16 resultados para Popular initiative. Social emancipation. Democracy
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A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Management from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics
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Tese de doutoramento em Ciências da Educação, área de Educação e Desenvolvimento
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Dissertação de mestrado em Ciências da Educação, na Faculdade de Ciências e Tecnologia da Universidade Nova de Lisboa e do Diplôme d' Université François Rabelais de Tours
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Tese apresentada para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção do grau de Doutor em Antropologia Social e Cultural
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A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Finance from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics
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Disponível em: http://193.136.113.6/Opac/Pages/Search/Results.aspx?SearchText=UID=bb8aa8d5-c6b6-466a-81bb-fe8a67693cee&DataBase=10449_UNLFCSH
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Revista do IHA, N.3 (2007), pp.222-237
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The European Union, as a regional actor and an example of stability and well-being, has embraced a set of principles it has stood for and which constitute its own identity. The diffusion of these values among third countries is one of the objectives of EU’s External Policy. Democracy can be found among the principles that are sought to be exported through comprehensive and complex strategies within different frameworks, such as neighbourhood relations, trade partnerships and the accession process. Focusing on the latter, candidates are object of an intensive process of Europeanisation that operates through different mechanisms like socialisation and conditionality. Turkey, on the other side, has decided to apply for full membership several decades ago and, ever since, it has been pressured to Europeanise, which includes improving its unstable democracy. This case, however, is different from all other previous enlargements; for its special socio-cultural and civilisational features, Turkey constitutes a more complex novelty for the European Union. Therefore, this thesis aims to study the influence of the European Union on the democratisation process of Turkey, focusing on the period ranging between 1999, the year the European Council recognised Turkey’s candidacy status, and 2009 that marks the 10-year period of that condition. It is the intention of this project to assess the impact of the European Union at that level through the study of the democratic evolution of the country and its co-relation with other variables related to the presence or pressure of the EU. As this is a challenging objective, it will require a deep reflection upon central concepts like democracy and democratic consolidation, and a diversified use of methodological techniques, such as statistical analysis and mathematical co-relations, historical analysis, literature review and in-depth interviews. This study will privilege a Constructivist approach, emphasising the social construction of reality and the role of the ideational aspects – identity, perceptions and the broader socio-cultural dimension – in Turkey-EU relations.
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Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo central analisar a influência da ‘Cultura Popular’ nas artes cénicas do Brasil. Conceito que foi amplamente difundido no teatro brasileiro no início da segunda metade do Século XX pelos intelectuais e artistas que compuseram o Movimento de Cultura Popular (MCP) e o Centro Popular de Cultura (CPC), instituições que vislumbraram nas artes cénicas um meio para contribuir como o desenvolvimento social e cultural do indivíduo. No recorte desta investigação evidencia-se a atuação do grupo Teatro Experimental de Artes- coletivo emergente dos fundamentos estabelecidos pelo MCP e CPC- tentando perceber qual a principal função do Teatro Experimental de Artes no teatro brasileiro do Século XX.
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The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.
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Partindo do pressuposto de que existe uma tendência para a cobertura intensiva e emocionalizada de casos criminais, sobretudo por parte dos órgãos de comunicação social sensacionalistas, e tendo em conta o papel e o poder dos media numa sociedade democrática, torna-se importante refletir sobre o assunto. Este trabalho pretende alimentar essa reflexão e, além de explorar a forma como um jornal sensacionalista português constrói as suas narrativas criminais, aborda ainda, entre outras coisas, os problemas provenientes da emocionalização desses discursos. Entre outros, a possibilidade de criar ou de alimentar perceções públicas distorcidas e negativas acerca da realidade, e em particular do sistema de justiça criminal, ou, inclusive, a perda da credibilidade e essência do próprio jornalismo.
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Generating personalized movie recommendations to users is a problem that most commonly relies on user-movie ratings. These ratings are generally used either to understand the user preferences or to recommend movies that users with similar rating patterns have rated highly. However, movie recommenders are often subject to the Cold-Start problem: new movies have not been rated by anyone, so, they will not be recommended to anyone; likewise, the preferences of new users who have not rated any movie cannot be learned. In parallel, Social-Media platforms, such as Twitter, collect great amounts of user feedback on movies, as these are very popular nowadays. This thesis proposes to explore feedback shared on Twitter to predict the popularity of new movies and show how it can be used to tackle the Cold-Start problem. It also proposes, at a finer grain, to explore the reputation of directors and actors on IMDb to tackle the Cold-Start problem. To assess these aspects, a Reputation-enhanced Recommendation Algorithm is implemented and evaluated on a crawled IMDb dataset with previous user ratings of old movies,together with Twitter data crawled from January 2014 to March 2014, to recommend 60 movies affected by the Cold-Start problem. Twitter revealed to be a strong reputation predictor, and the Reputation-enhanced Recommendation Algorithm improved over several baseline methods. Additionally, the algorithm also proved to be useful when recommending movies in an extreme Cold-Start scenario, where both new movies and users are affected by the Cold-Start problem.
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Este projeto de tese traça uma percepção etnográfica sobre a Oficina Popular de Audiovisual Latino-americano, projeto de aproximação audiovisual a jovens imigrantes latino-americanos residentes na cidade de São Paulo, através do seu acompanhamento e da filmagem partilhada das suas sessões, ocorridas durante os meses de junho, julho, agosto e setembro de 2014, realizadas no espaço do Cineclube latino-americano, sediado no Memorial da América Latina. Parte-se das premissas de que a latinoamericanidade é um imaginário identitário integracionista continuamente inventado e reinventado por vários agentes, ressignificado ininterruptamente por outros imaginários transregionais e locais, e de que entre as muitas vias da sua contínua reinvenção o audiovisual se dá como expressão estética mediadora de impressões locais e transregionais e como potencializador da reflexão coletiva sobre a existência social de cada um e a partilhada. Descreve-se em forma de relatório e de ensaio audiovisual etnográfico, a intersecção de imaginários identitários migrantes e latino-americanos mediados pelo audiovisual, a envolvência dos jovens com os temários da deslocação e da latinoamericanidade através da Oficina, da recepção de filmes latino-americanos contemporâneos e da criação coletiva de dois curtas-metragens.
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Social impact bonds are an increasingly popular method of unlocking typical social investment barriers and fuelling social innovation. This feasibility study aims to understand whether a social impact bond is a suitable tool for decreasing unnecessary foster care placements in Portugal, which have been proven to cause significant social and financial damage to societies. This research question is answered through a financial model which combines the costs of this social problem with Projecto Família’s intervention model, a leading intensive family preservation service. Main findings suggest using SIB funding for a 5-year project with the goal of generating the proper impact measurement metrics lacking in the field.