A construção do estado liberal. Elite política e burocracia na "Regeneração" (1851-1890)

Quem governa ? Qual a configuração e dinâmica da burocracia ? Sinteticamente, estas duas questões enunciam os objectivos principais da presente investigação sobre o sistema politico administrativo no Portugal oitocentista. No essencial, o âmbito cronológico do nosso estudo coincide com os limites temporais da "Regeneração ", no sentido lato do termo, isto e, com o novo ciclo liberal que tem como acto fundador o pronunciamento militar üsaldanhista" de finais de Abril de 1851 e se prolonga até à crise de 1890. comummente identificada pela historiografia portuguesa como um momento crucial de viragem. Este período de cerca de quarenta anos singulariza- se pela combinação de três aspectos fundamentais. Por um lado, tratou-se de uma época de relativa acalmia politica e social - apenas seriamente ameaçada na conjuntura critica de 1868 a 1871 -, durante a qual as manifestações de conflito violento, que tinham marcado a fase inicial do liberalismo, cederam o lugar às formas de conflito regulado. Esta alteração do tipo dominante de conflito, associada à institucionalização dos mecanismos e processos do sistema de "governo representativo", resultou da afirmação de uma lógica de compromisso (a "politica dos acordos") entre as várias parcialidades ou coligações rivais da elite, que implicava a subordinação da luta politica às regras da competição pacifica e a garantia de expectativas credíveis de alternância no poder. Em larga medida, essa transformação não teria sido possível sem uma ampla renovação do pessoal politico dirigente. Por outro lado, correspondeu a uma etapa decisiva na consolidação do aparelho burocrático do Estado liberal, que se traduziu numa dinâmica de expansão e modernização das estruturas e meios de administração. Finalmente, foi um ciclo marcado por importantes "melhoramentos materiais· e um razoável crescimento económico. embora à custa de um elevado endividamento público. Ocupando as principais posições de comando na hierarquia formal de poder e. como tal, intervindo activamente na construção das instituições e regulam o curso da vida colectiva, na elaboração das normas que as elites politicas são um dos actores centrais em todos os processos de mudança social, independentemente da avaliação positiva ou negativa do seu protagonismo histórico . Por essa razão. o estudo da sua formação e composição ou da sua acção transformadora constituem importantes eixos temáticos da investigação em sociologia politica.

Ideologia e política na imprensa do exílio. O Portuguez (1814 - 1826)

Cultura Moderna e Contemporânea, n.6

The Portuguese Administrative Elite, 1851-1910

The aim of this article is to examine the composition and patterns of recruitment of the ministries’directors-general, as well as to assess the interconnections between bureaucracy and politics, from the beginnings of Regeneração (1851) until the breakdown of Monarchy (1910). The post of director-general was considered one of “political trust”, that might be filled by individuals from outside the civil service, and the selection and de-selection of officeholders depended exclusively on the ministers’ will. Nonetheless, most directors-general were experienced bureaucrats, boasting a steady career as civil servants, and remained in office for long terms, regardless of ministerial discontinuities. In other words, High Administration became relatively immune to party-driven politics. Due to their professional background and lengthy tenure, directors-general were usually highly skilled specialists, combining technical expertise and practical knowledge of the wheels of state bureaucracy. Hence, they were often influential actors in policy-making, playing an active (and sometimes decisive) part behind the scenes, in both designing and implementing government policies. As regards their social profile, directors-general formed a cohesive and homogeneous elite group: being predominantly drawn from urban middle class milieus, highly educated, and appointed to office in their forties.

Portuguese Ministers, 1851-1999: Social Background and Paths to Power

Disponível em: http://193.136.113.6/Opac/Pages/Search/Results.aspx?SearchText=UID=bb8aa8d5-c6b6-466a-81bb-fe8a67693cee&DataBase=10449_UNLFCSH

Vegetais de Vale de Coellheiros (Grândola – Formação de Marateca)

A new locality rich in plant leaf impressions has been found in the northwestern part of Sado basin at Vale de Coelheiros (Grândola, Portugal). 1 The study of the material so far collected allowed us to identify: Salix lavateri BRAUN, 1851; Myrica sp., Zelkova zelkovaefolia (UNGER, 1843) BUZEK & KOTLABA, 1963 and Acer tricuspidatum BRONN, 1838. This association is closely comparable with other ones from several localities in Tagus basin, specially with Vallesian ones. Comparisons and biostratigraphical correlations are established.

Produção e consumo sustentável

Dissertação apresentada na Faculdade de Ciências e Tecnologia da Universidade Nova de Lisboa para a obtenção do grau de Mestre em Engenharia do Ambiente,perfil de Gestão e Sistemas Ambientais

Evolução das freguesias da cidade de Lisboa ao longo do século XIX – SIGMA, SIG e Modelação de Dados Aplicados à História de Portugal

As freguesias de Lisboa sofreram profundas alterações ao longo dos séculos XIX e XX. Não só foram alteradas em número, mas também na sua dimensão geográfica. A última grande reforma, datada de 1959, modificou de tal forma os contornos das freguesias lisboetas que inviabiliza a utilização dos contornos actuais para a realização de estudos no passado. Procurando dar resposta a esta problemática e com base em cartografia histórica, foram desenhadas as freguesias em três períodos (1826, 1852 e 1909) sendo incluídas num sistema de informação geográfica, o que possibilita não só a análise da evolução administrativa da capital, mas também o estudo de muitas variáveis históricas, de base paroquial, para todo o século XIX e início do século XX.

História e tradição. O liberalismo de o Padre Amaro

pp. 63-76

Antero de Quental e a geração de 50

pp. 313-320

Ruling the Empire: The Portuguese Colonial Office (1820s-1926)

Portugal was one of the first and most enduring European colonial powers of modern times: 1415 and 1975 mark the beginning and the end of a long empire cycle that left impressive imprints in many places. Since it started, the overseas expansion and the exploration of the colonial resources were closely articulated with state-building and the preservation of national independence. A forerunner at the Great Age of Discoveries, but a latecomer in the era of industrialization, in the 19th and early-20th centuries Portugal was a peripheral country, and the economic gap with the rich and industrialized core of Europe was wide. During this period, however, the country faced the critical challenge of ruling vast and geographically scattered overseas territories, and of preserving them from the greed of strong imperialist powers. This article starts by outlining the major developments in the Portuguese colonial policy over a century, since the 1820s until 1926. The independence of Brazil (1822) was a crucial turning point, which brought about a shift towards Africa. The First Republic (1910-1926), pervaded by a nationalist ideology, gave a new impetus to the efforts towards a more effective colonisation. Symptomatically, a Ministry of Colonies was then established for the first time. Second, it describes and analyses the transformation of the central office for colonial affairs – from a small ministerial department to an autonomous ministry -, stressing the increasing bureaucratic specialisation, the growth of the apparatus and its staff, and the introduction of new criteria for the selection and promotion of permanent officials (namely a higher profile given to careers in local colonial administration). Finally, it presents a collective biography of both the politicians (Cabinet ministers) and the administrators (directors-general) who ran the Colonial Office for a large period of the Constitutional Monarchy (from 1851 to 1910) and during the First Republic, thus enabling to assess the impact of regime change on elite circulation and career patterns.

Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

O Ressurgimento da Pintura Decorativa nos Interiores Palacianos Lisboetas: da Regeneração às Vésperas da República

Esta tese procura defender a ideia de que foi a vinda para Portugal, nos anos 30 do século XIX, dos arquitectos, cenógrafos, e pintores decoradores de origem italiana, Cinatti e Rambois, que permitiu o retomar do fio perdido da pintura decorativa no País. Na década de 1830, dava-se, assim, início a uma nova etapa, na qual se concretizam uma série de encomendas de decoração de interiores que procuram satisfazer uma burguesia emergente, que assim sublinha o seu status social ao restaurar e transformar palácios antigos, ou ao mandar construir novos palácios e palacetes, que irão ser profusamente decorados por uma nova geração de pintores-decoradores. Era inaugurado o ressurgimento da pintura decorativa em Portugal. Esta dissertação tem também como um dos seus objectivos principais dar a conhecer e divulgar o património ímpar que constitui a pintura decorativa, para assim o poder depois proteger, num País em que o “fachadismo” faz escola, permitindo-se que os interiores sejam demolidos, e em que as artes decorativas são ainda tão esquecidas ou menosprezadas Este trabalho constitui – esperamos- uma primeira aproximação científica ao estudo de todo um conjunto de edifícios de valor patrimonial inestimável e à realidade que albergam no seu interior.

Recensão crítica

Recensão crítica a Edward Quillinan, As Irmãs do Douro. Tradução de M. Gomes da Torre e Jorge Pais Antunes. Porto: Campo das Letras – Editores, S.A./Associação Cívica Antão de Carvalho, 2006, in Maria Leonor Machado de Sousa (dir.), Revista de Estudos Anglo-Portugueses. Lisboa: Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia/Centro de Estudos Anglo-Portugueses, nº 15 (2006), pp. 315-319.

Investigar para expor. Duas exposições na Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, 2007-2009

A exposição é uma tarefa eminentemente museológica mas, desde sempre, desenvolveu uma espécie de autonomia propositiva, relacionada quer com uma celebração festiva, vocacionada para os grandes públicos (por exemplo, as grandes exposições mundiais, inauguradas em Londres, em 1851), quer com a divulgação de investigações específicas, predominantemente originais. Neste caso, podemos designá-las ‘exposições de investigação’. Este foi o âmbito de: 50 anos de arte portuguesa, apresentada na Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, em 2007, e Anos 70. Atravessar fronteiras, apresentada no Centro de Arte Moderna da mesma Fundação, em 2009. Na reflexão que se segue, adoptei privilegiar a narrativa do processo do trabalho, fruto de experiência adquirida empiricamente e das dinâmicas criadas nas equipas pluridisciplinares que conduziram os projectos à sua realização.