11 resultados para Ação civil publica

em RUN (Repositório da Universidade Nova de Lisboa) - FCT (Faculdade de Cienecias e Technologia), Universidade Nova de Lisboa (UNL), Portugal


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Tese de Doutoramento em Antropologia especialidade em Poder, Resistência e Movimentos Sociais

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Dissertação apresentada para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção do grau de Mestre em Ciência Política e Relações Internacionais, na área de especialização de Relações Internacionais

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The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

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A presente dissertação centra-se na problemática da Política Externa Portuguesa no decorrer da Guerra Civil de Espanha – GCE (1936-1939). É nosso propósito responder à seguinte questão: De que forma o Estado Novo conseguiu condicionar a Opinião Pública de maneira a perseguir a sua linha orientadora de Política Externa aquando do conflito interno espanhol?. Um dos mais antigos dilemas da política externa portuguesa é a necessidade constante de compatibilizar a dualidade peninsular. No respeitante à política externa do século XX, António de Oliveira Salazar, em 1936, defendia a tese de que o Estado Novo não sobreviveria em convívio directo com um regime republicano espanhol, anticlerical e esquerdista. Tendo em conta que o Presidente do Concelho de Ministros de Portugal não hesitou em apoiar o alziamento do General Franco, recorrendo à tese de proteção do seu regime, e evitando, desta forma, que Portugal se mantivesse alheio à sorte dos destinos da GCE, é fundamental a análise da política externa portuguesa para compreender as posições, os vetores, as motivações e os principais agentes que formaram os pilares da diplomacia portuguesa perante o conflito que ficou historiograficamente conhecido como a antecâmara da II Guerra Mundial. Todavia, reconhecemos ser conveniente averiguar de que forma é que as decisões de política externa se reflectiram na Opinião Pública portuguesa sobre os acontecimentos da Guerra Civil de Espanha. Visto que era objectivo do Estado Novo controlar as mentes portuguesas, no nosso estudo, que se debruçara sobre os assuntos espanhóis, importa-nos verificar como a Opinião Pública era manobrada pelo poder político, que utiliza a Censura para controle da informação. A Censura portuguesa foi especialmente zelosa acerca dos assuntos da GCE a partir de 1936, com vista a evitar contágios revolucionários em Portugal que colocassem em perigo o Estado Novo. Em suma, a Guerra Civil de Espanha foi um conflito bélico que se confinou ao território espanhol, mas que atravessou fronteiras devido à sua internacionalização e rápida mediatização. Portugal pela sua posição geográfica acompanhou diariamente a cruzada no país vizinho, interferindo oficial e oficiosamente.

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The contemporary society is characterized by high risks. Today, the prevention of damages is as important as compensation. This is due to the fact that the potentiality of several damages is not in line with compensation, because often compensation proves to be impossible. Civil law should be at the service of the citizens, which explains that the heart of the institution of non-contractual liability has gradually moved towards the victim's protection. It is requested from Tort law an active attitude that seeks to avoid damages, reducing its dimension and frequency. The imputation by risk proves to be necessary and useful in the present context as it demonstrates the ability to model behaviors, functioning as a warning for agents engaged in hazardous activities. Economically, it seeks to prevent socially inefficient behaviors. Strict liability assumes notorious importance as a deterrent and in the dispersion of damage by society. The paradigm of the imputation founded on fault has proved insufficient for the effective protection of the interests of the citizens, particularly if based in an anachronistic vision of the concept of fault. Prevention arises in several areas, especially in environmental liability, producer liability and liability based on infringement of copyright and rights relating to the personality. To overcome the damage as the gauge for compensation does not inevitably mean the recognition of the punitive approach. Prevention should not be confused with reactive/punitive objectives. The deterrence of unlawful conduct is not subordinated to punishment.

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The public consultation is a methodology for the interaction between the bodies responsible for drafting the law and the parties likely to be affected or to be interested in normative acts in question. This work seeks to encourage the use of public consultation in the process of elaboration of the Brazilian law. Therefore, some aspect of the knowledge area called Science of Legislation, with attention to the concept of “quality of the law” and to of the public consultation tool are addressed. We present the advantages of preparing public consultation mainly in the case of proposals that impose costs or benefits relevant to the economic agents involved in or promoting major change in the distribution of resources in society. Finally, it discusses the Brazilian legislative procedure and what the Brazilian law requires from legislative projects forwarded to the National Congress, as well as build a synthesis of the tools and the exiting possibilities of participation in the Brazilian context of elaboration of norms.

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This study, in the Family Law area, aims to examine the civil liability for emotional distance from a multidisciplinary perspective. The work and reflection made thereunder tend to corroborate the cognizance that self-representation, sociability and the ability of future adults to define their life’s projects, depend, to a large extent, on the emotional stability and maturity that has been assured to them, as children, by the material and emotional care that has been provided to them by both parents. It is therefore crucial to tend to the feelings of loss and to the potential lack of self-esteem that the affective rupture with either parents may cause. Thus, we promote an analysis of the sustainability, under Portuguese law, of the imposition of compensatory measures, independent from other injunctions foreseen in civil and guardianship law, upon the dissolution of family ties in result of a guilty injury of parental obligations, which have caused serious and evident injuries to the children.

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This work aims to stress the concept of a security culture in the sense that each one of us is an emergency responder, the first one to respond, and the more prepared we are, with better training and awareness, the better we will perform, this applies even to the relationship between us and the Emergency Responders. All this will lead to a better probability of surviving an accident. If there is an accident, anywhere at any time, each one of us is alone. And the bigger the accident is the longer we stay alone. There is no firefighter, no policeman, no doctor, so it is very important to be competent, in other words, knowing how to react, wanting to react and being able to react. This is a basic requirement to understand the phenomenon, to know the consequences arising from the way we act and that we have to perform according to the situation: before, during and after it occurred. In brief, let’s not make resilience be just a word, let’s make it a concept that belongs to the higher definition of the Security Culture.

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The purpose of the following study is to analyze the relevance of the principle of confidentiality concerning mediation on civil and commercial matters developed in Portugal. We will, essentially, try to determine just how pivotal is this principle and how it affects the effectiveness of that method of alternative dispute resolution. We believe it is fundamental to understand the true extent of this principle and its goals, emphasizing the protection given to those who decide to resort to mediation and its impact on this process. For this dissertation, we have based our analysis on the interpretation of the set rules assembled by Law nr 29/2013, April 19th, while combining it with data gathered from other laws and regulations that had also addressed mediation. Furthermore, given the fact that this subject has been regulated by Directive 2008/52/EC, we deem pertinent to include references to other European mediation regulations, namely from Germany, Spain and France. With this study, we have established that, even though the Portuguese mediation law is based on a European Directive, we have determined a more restrictive regulation for the principle of confidentiality. We have concluded that the rules regarding this principle try to preserve, above all, the trust and honesty established during the course of the mediation, while restricting the possibility of using the information disclosed during these sessions on other cases. Additionally, we believe confidentiality is such a distinctive and relevant feature that its legal framework leads us to deem it as a true obstacle to the parties’ private autonomy and their power to determine how the mediation should be carried out.