Portuguese Ministers, 1851-1999: Social Background and Paths to Power

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From Strategic Planning to Development Initiatives: a first reflection on the situation of Lisbon and Barcelona

MARQUES, B.P. (2014) From Strategic Planning to Development Initiatives: a first reflection on the situation of Lisbon and Barcelona, in 20th APDR Congress Proceddings, APDR and UÉvora, Évora, pp. 850-857, ISBN 978-989-8780-01-0.

A Constructivist perspective on EU'S democracy promotion in Turkey

The European Union, as a regional actor and an example of stability and well-being, has embraced a set of principles it has stood for and which constitute its own identity. The diffusion of these values among third countries is one of the objectives of EU’s External Policy. Democracy can be found among the principles that are sought to be exported through comprehensive and complex strategies within different frameworks, such as neighbourhood relations, trade partnerships and the accession process. Focusing on the latter, candidates are object of an intensive process of Europeanisation that operates through different mechanisms like socialisation and conditionality. Turkey, on the other side, has decided to apply for full membership several decades ago and, ever since, it has been pressured to Europeanise, which includes improving its unstable democracy. This case, however, is different from all other previous enlargements; for its special socio-cultural and civilisational features, Turkey constitutes a more complex novelty for the European Union. Therefore, this thesis aims to study the influence of the European Union on the democratisation process of Turkey, focusing on the period ranging between 1999, the year the European Council recognised Turkey’s candidacy status, and 2009 that marks the 10-year period of that condition. It is the intention of this project to assess the impact of the European Union at that level through the study of the democratic evolution of the country and its co-relation with other variables related to the presence or pressure of the EU. As this is a challenging objective, it will require a deep reflection upon central concepts like democracy and democratic consolidation, and a diversified use of methodological techniques, such as statistical analysis and mathematical co-relations, historical analysis, literature review and in-depth interviews. This study will privilege a Constructivist approach, emphasising the social construction of reality and the role of the ideational aspects – identity, perceptions and the broader socio-cultural dimension – in Turkey-EU relations.

Relationship between national culture, democracy and environmental performance: A panel data analysis

This paper demonstrates the significance of culture in examining the relationshipbetween democratic capital and environmental performance.The aim is to examine the relationship among scores on the Environmental Performance Index and the two dimensions of cross cultural variation suggested by Ronald Inglehart and Christian Welzel. Significantional interrelationships among democracy, cultural and environmental sustaintability measures could be found, following the regression results. Firstly, higher levels of democratic capital stock are associated with better environmental performance. Secondly importance to distinguish between cultural groups could be confirmed.

Cumprimento de ordens, obediência hierárquica e disciplina militar versus perpetração (in)voluntária de crimes

Following orders, hierarchical obedience and military discipline are essential values for the survival of the armed forces. Without them, it is not possible to conceive the armed forces as an essential pillar of a democratic state of law and a guarantor of national independence. As issuing orders as well as receiving and following them are inextricably linked to military discipline, and as such injunctions entail the workings of a particular obedience regime within the specific kind of organized power framework which is the Armed Forces, only by analysing the importance of such orders within this microcosm – with its strict hierarchical structure – will it be possible to understand which criminal judicial qualification to ascribe to the individual at the rear by reference to the role of the front line individual (i.e. the one who issues an order vs the one who executes it). That is, of course, when we are faced with the practice of unlawful acts, keeping in mind the organizational framework and its influence over the will of the executor. One thing we take as read, if the orders can be described as unlawful, the boundary line of the duty of obedience, which cannot be overstepped, both because of a legal as well as a constitutional imperative, will have been crossed. And the military have sworn an oath of obedience to the fundamental law. The topic of hierarchical obedience cannot be separated from the analysis of current legislation which pertains to the topic within military institutions. With that in mind, it appeared relevant to address the major norms which regulate the matter within the Portuguese military legal system, and, whenever necessary and required by the reality under analysis, to relate that to civilian law or legal doctrine.

A violência doméstica no seio da relação conjugal e a sua relação com o estatuto da mulher na sociedade

Domestic violence is one of the most serious problems that contemporary society faces. Domestic violence that specifically occurs between spouses is a particular case of domestic violence that has caused a high number of victims - mostly women - putting thus an enormous challenge to states with regard to combating this problem. In this thesis we intend to proceed with the study of this phenomenon in the Angolan context. The objective of this study is trying to understand how such violence is manifested in Angola, what factors may be at it’s source and what effects can be observed on the victims, their families and in society itself. Being the Angolan people strongly linked to traditions and customs, it seemed interesting to also address the issue of domestic violence under customary law. In addition to the problem of the study itself, we proceed to exposure and analysis of how the state and civil society have intervened in this matter. At the end of this study, we conclude that despite the fact that the issue of domestic violence has received more attention in recent years from the public entities and society in general, there is still a long way to go. This path involves not only more actions of the state but also a change of mentality, which can enable the break with social stereotypes in adopting a different behavior over the issue under review and internalizing that human dignity is the basic principle of any state that proclaims democratic rights.

As literaturas contemporâneas espanhola e portuguesa como espaços culturais de memória histórico-política

Nesta dissertação analisamos a forma como quatro obras literárias contemporâneas se podem constituir como espaço cultural de memória histórico-política das décadas que em Portugal e Espanha se seguiram à implantação dos regimes democráticos. O trabalho incide na análise de Os Memoráveis, de Lídia Jorge, Novembro, de Jaime Nogueira Pinto, Las leyes de la frontera, de Javier Cercas, e Romanticismo, de Manuel Longares. Procede-se à análise comparativa dos quatro romances e à forma como cada um problematiza dois períodos fundamentais da história recente dos dois países. São também tratadas as questões relacionadas com o diálogo entre o conhecimento histórico e literário, o lado fictício e imaginário da história e a contribuição da memória para a reconstrução dos processos históricos. Procura-se também entender de que forma a literatura se constitui como uma forma de reflexão catártica e crítica, como suscita a problematização do momento presente, e que marcas pessoais e/ou autobiográficas os autores deixam transparecer nas suas obras.

Fostering e-participation sustainability through a BPM-driven semantic model

According to a recent Eurobarometer survey (2014), 68% of Europeans tend not to trust national governments. As the increasing alienation of citizens from politics endangers democracy and welfare, governments, practitioners and researchers look for innovative means to engage citizens in policy matters. One of the measures intended to overcome the so-called democratic deficit is the promotion of civic participation. Digital media proliferation offers a set of novel characteristics related to interactivity, ubiquitous connectivity, social networking and inclusiveness that enable new forms of societal-wide collaboration with a potential impact on leveraging participative democracy. Following this trend, e-Participation is an emerging research area that consists in the use of Information and Communication Technologies to mediate and transform the relations among citizens and governments towards increasing citizens’ participation in public decision-making. However, despite the widespread efforts to implement e-Participation through research programs, new technologies and projects, exhaustive studies on the achieved outcomes reveal that it has not yet been successfully incorporated in institutional politics. Given the problems underlying e-Participation implementation, the present research suggested that, rather than project-oriented efforts, the cornerstone for successfully implementing e-Participation in public institutions as a sustainable added-value activity is a systematic organisational planning, embodying the principles of open-governance and open-engagement. It further suggested that BPM, as a management discipline, can act as a catalyst to enable the desired transformations towards value creation throughout the policy-making cycle, including political, organisational and, ultimately, citizen value. Following these findings, the primary objective of this research was to provide an instrumental model to foster e-Participation sustainability across Government and Public Administration towards a participatory, inclusive, collaborative and deliberative democracy. The developed artefact, consisting in an e-Participation Organisational Semantic Model (ePOSM) underpinned by a BPM-steered approach, introduces this vision. This approach to e-Participation was modelled through a semi-formal lightweight ontology stack structured in four sub-ontologies, namely e-Participation Strategy, Organisational Units, Functions and Roles. The ePOSM facilitates e-Participation sustainability by: (1) Promoting a common and cross-functional understanding of the concepts underlying e-Participation implementation and of their articulation that bridges the gap between technical and non-technical users; (2) Providing an organisational model which allows a centralised and consistent roll-out of strategy-driven e-Participation initiatives, supported by operational units dedicated to the execution of transformation projects and participatory processes; (3) Providing a standardised organisational structure, goals, functions and roles related to e-Participation processes that enhances process-level interoperability among government agencies; (4) Providing a representation usable in software development for business processes’ automation, which allows advanced querying using a reasoner or inference engine to retrieve concrete and specific information about the e-Participation processes in place. An evaluation of the achieved outcomes, as well a comparative analysis with existent models, suggested that this innovative approach tackling the organisational planning dimension can constitute a stepping stone to harness e-Participation value.

O poder legislativo no processo de consolidação democrática em Cabo Verde

O presente trabalho visa à composição de breve contextualização do histórico em que nasceu a democracia cabo-verdiana e as principais etapas que ao longo dos anos foi vencendo, rumo à almejada consolidação democrática, analisando em pormenor o papel do Legislativo para tanto. Nesse sentido, pretendemos neste estudo responder a seguinte pergunta de partida: “Qual o impacto do papel desempenhado pelo Legislativo no processo de consolidação democrática em Cabo Verde nesses últimos 20 anos?”. Este estudo nasce da necessidade de colmatar um vazio, quase que absoluto, no que diz respeito à análise do funcionamento, organização e estrutura da instituição parlamentar em Cabo Verde. Por isso, ao realizarmos esta investigação pretendemos alcançar dois objectivos principais: Averiguar até que ponto o papel do Parlamento contribuiu para a almejada consolidação democrática em Cabo Verde; Examinar de forma detalhada a evolução longitudinal da Assembleia de Cabo Verde ao longo de sua experiência democrática. Para tal, serão analisadas três áreas importantes do funcionamento desta instituição, de 1991 a 2011: o processo legislativo, os mecanismos de controlo e fiscalização ao governo e a função de legitimação. Todavia, temos a perfeita consciência de que as três dimensões seleccionadas não esgotam os campos de análise de contribuição parlamentar para o reforço da democracia. No entanto, pretendemos com o estudo tentar informar e dar a conhecer, de forma científica e académica, a actuação da instituição parlamentar no processo de consolidação democrática em Cabo Verde, com uma abordagem diferente dos poucos estudos já realizados.

Work ethic and the legacies of political regimes

This article studies the cross-country differences in work ethic and claims that different political regimes transmitted different work ethics that still persist today. Using the World Values Survey and starting our political regime analysis in 1900, we find that Democratic regimes promote more effectively work relevance and competitiveness than Autocratic and Anocratic regimes, and that the political regime history of the country is more important than the present level of democracy. Moreover, we prove that this differences were transmitted through generations by parents, who optimally choose what work ethic to transmit taking into account their own values.

O regime penal das imunidades dos titulares dos órgãos políticos de soberania

Portugal is one of the countries that has a constitutional regime of immunity. This protects certain individuals in political positions from prosecution under the law. These individuals are said to have a privileged status when compared to ordinary citizens. The purpose of this study is to examine the immunities enjoyed by President, the members of Parliament and the government ministers. The regime of immunities can be found to generate a certain sense of injustice and feelings of mistrust since the individual can not, albeit temporarily, be held criminally responsible for criminal conduct. It is urgent, therefore, to find a consistent justification with the principles and values of the Criminal Law. The Parliament is the place of the exercise of democratic power and, therefore, a member of Parliament assumes a central position in parliamentary activity. For this reason, it will be necessary to determine analysis to determine the meaning the prerogative of criminal irresponsibility. One question that must be asked is to know how the dogmatic plan that the immunities of the political organs of sovereignty must be seen.

Ações encobertas

The global and increasingly technological society requires the States to adopt security measures that can maintain the balance between the freedom, on the one hand, and the security and the respect for fundamental rights of a democratic state, on the other. A State can only achieve this aim if it has an effective judicial system and in particular a criminal procedure adequate to the new criminogenic realities. In this context, the national legislator has adopted, following other international legal systems, special means of obtaining proof more stringent of rights. Within those special means are included the covert actions, that, being a means to use sparingly, is a key element to fight against violent and highly organized crime. Therefore, the undercover agent, voluntary by nature, develops a set of activities that enables the investigation to use other means of taking evidence and/or probationary diligences itself, with the purpose of providing sufficient proof to the case file. In this milieu, given the high risks involved during the investigation, as well as after its completion, the undercover agent can act upon fictitious identity. This measure can be maintained during the evidentiary phase of the trial. Similarly, given the latent threat that the undercover agent suffers by its inclusion in criminal organizations, as well as the need for his inclusion in future covert actions it is crucial that his participation as a witness in the trial is properly shielded. Thus, when the undercover agent provides, exceptionally, statements in the trial, he shall do so always through videoconference with voice and image distortion. This measure can guarantee the anonymity of the undercover agent and concomitantly, that the adversarial principle and the right of the accused to a fair trial is not prejudiced since, in those circumstances, the diligence will be supervised in its entirety (in the audience and with the undercover agent) by a judge.

Weimar and the crisis of political legitimacy in Late Modernity : Max Weber, Hans Kelsen and Carl Schmitt

Através da comparação das ideias de três grandes teóricos da política no conturbado contexto da República de Weimar, esta dissertação pretende reconsiderar a crise da legitimidade política na modernidade tardia. Tal crise é concebida tanto em sentido estrito, enquanto crise das democracias liberais perante os efeitos de rápidas mudanças sociais e a emergência da política de massas, como em sentido lato, ou seja, enquanto crise dos alicerces político-intelectuais da era moderna. Nessa medida, veremos como os juízos de Weber, Kelsen e Schmitt não se limitam a veicular veredictos contrastantes sobre a democracia de massas, o parlamentarismo e os partidos políticos, remetendo também para narrativas distintas sobre o destino do homem moderno – narrativas que oscilam entre o optimismo moderado, a ambivalência e a reacção hostil.

Continuidade e mudança. O sistema internacional no post‐Guerra Fria

O fim da Guerra Fria é um caso inédito de mudança pacífica da estrutura internacional, em que os Estados Unidos e a União Soviética transcendem a divisão bipolar para decidir os termos da paz no quadro das instituições que definem o modelo de ordenamento multilateral, consolidando a sua legitimidade. Nesse contexto, ao contrário dos casos precedentes de reconstrução internacional no fim de uma guerra hegemónica, o novo sistema do post-Guerra Fria, caracterizado pela unipolaridade, pela regionalização e pela homogeneização, forma-se num quadro de continuidade institucional. A ordem política do post-Guerra Fria é um sistema misto em que as tensões entre a hierarquia unipolar e a anarquia multipolar, a integração global e a fragmentação regional e a homogeneidade e a heterogeneidade política, ideológica e cultural condicionam as estratégias das potências. As crises internacionais vão pôr à prova a estabilidade da nova ordem e a sua capacidade para garantir mudanças pacíficas. A primeira década do post-Guerra Fria mostra a preponderância dos Estados Unidos e a sua confiança crescente, patente nas Guerras do Golfo Pérsico e dos Balcãs, bem como na crise dos Estreitos da Formosa. A reacção aos atentados do "11 de Setembro" revela uma tentação imperial da potência unipolar, nomeadamente com a invasão do Iraque, que provoca uma crise profunda da comunidade de segurança ocidental. A vulnerabilidade do centro da ordem internacional é confirmada pela crise constitucional europeia e pela crise financeira global. Essas crises não alteram a estrutura de poder mas aceleram a erosão da ordem multilateral e criam um novo quadro de possibilidades para a evolução internacional, que inclui uma escalada dos conflitos num quadro de multipolaridade regional, uma nova polarização entre as potências democráticas conservadoras e uma coligação revisionista autoritária, bem como a restauração de um concerto entre as principais potências internacionais.

A videovigilância no local de trabalho

The emergence of new technologies has introduced significant changes in the citizens life’s. There is a constant evolution of technological means and profound impact of their use in the habits of life of the human being. These new technological media are important tools in labor relations. The working and businesses worlds are increasingly turning to these new technologies, so that the use of video surveillance in the workplace is nowadays common. New technologies in general and the use of video surveillance in workplace in particular are providing ways to allow control of the work performance that are desired by most employers. However, the collection of images in the workplace often collides with the fundamental rights and freedoms of workers, in particular, with the right to privacy. The subject concerns the question of investigating is whether the images collected in workplace can be used as evidence in disciplinary proceedings. In fact, this issue is controversial. Doctrine and jurisprudence defend, at least, two responses for the same question. Those who understand that the evidence may be admitted for not violate any right of the worker, and others who argue that the evidence should not be admitted in disciplinary office. In the Portuguese legal system, there is, even, a new intermediate theory that begins to be defended, that only on certain occasions the evidence may be admitted. The solution to this problem involves the study of employment law and data video surveillance processing. Analysis of workers fundamental rights is fundamental to come to a grounded conclusion.