Discovery and settlement of Alaska coaster

Tsar Peter the Great ruled Russia between 1689 and 1725. Its domains, stretching from the Baltic Sea in the west to the Pacific Ocean in the east. From north to south, its empire stretching from the Arctic Ocean to the borders with China and India. Tsar Peter I tried to extend the geographical knowledge of his government and the rest of the world. He was also interested in the expansion of trade in Russia and in the control of trade routes. Feodor Luzhin and Ivan Yeverinov explored the eastern border of the Russian Empire, the trip between 1719 and 1721 and reported to the Tsar. They had crossed the peninsula of Kamchatka, from west to east and had traveled from the west coast of Kamchatka to the Kuril Islands. The information collected led to the first map of Kamchatka and the Kuril Islands. Tsar Peter ordered Bering surf the Russian Pacific coast, build ships and sail the seas north along the coast to regions of America. The second expedition found equal to those of the previous explorers difficulties. Two ships were eventually thrown away in Okhotsk in 1740. The explorers spent the winter of 1740-1741 stockpiling supplies and then navigate to Petropavlovsk. The two ships sailed eastward and did together until June 20, then separated by fog. After searching Chirikov and his boat for several days, Bering ordered the San Pedro continue to the northeast. There the Russian sailors first sighted Alaska. According to the log, "At 12:30 (pm July 17) in sight of snow-capped mountains and between them a high volcano." This finding came the day of St. Elijah and so named the mountain.

Ruxia i Ruxianos w romansach rycerskich autorstwa Feliciano de Silva

W niniejszym artykule przeanalizowany został sposób wykorzystania przez Feliciano de Silva autentycznego toponimu Ruxia (Ruś) przy konstruowaniu świata przedstawionego w romansie rycerskim. Jak zostaje wykazane, Feliciano de Silva jedynie częściowo wpisuje się w tendencję zaobserwowaną wcześniej m.in. u Garci Rodrigueza de Montalvo, który w swoich dziełach nakreśla jasną opozycję pomiędzy chrześcijańskim światem błędnego rycerstwa a złym i nikczemnym pogaństwem. Autor z Ciudad Rodrigo, chcąc nawiązać do chwały średniowiecznego Konstantynopola, powraca do czasów konfliktu bizantyńsko-ruskiego, który twórczo wykorzystuje w aż trzech księgach Florisel de Niquea. Ruxia, jeden z głównych przeciwników greckiego rodu, przedstawiona zostaje jako pogańska potęga militarna, której przewodzą władcy odważni, lecz zarazem owładnięci żądzą, niemoralni i okrutni.

Las edades de Hitler. De Satán a un ser de carne y hueso, y su representación en clave paródica

Adolf Hitler suscitó desde su entrada en la escena política alemana una fascinación perversa, un sentimiento que, con el tiempo, ha dado lugar a numerosas representaciones culturales sobre el Führer. La muestra, rica y variada tanto en el fondo como en la forma, nos permitirá trazar tres estadios en lo referente al proceso de construcción historiográfica del hitlerismo, iniciado con la caída del Tercer Reich. Estos responden en buena medida al devenir sociopolítico y cultural de la sociedad a escala global desde el final de la guerra y hasta nuestros días y pueden resumirse en tres: primero, la satanización; segundo, la humanización; tercero, el retrato caricaturesco. Proponemos un recorrido histórico por diversos productos culturales del dictador alemán cuyo propósito es desentrañar el retrato psicológico poliédrico que se ha construido en torno a la figura de Hitler.

Of Marx and Makers: an Historical Perspective on Generative Justice

In Marxist frameworks “distributive justice” depends on extracting value through a centralized state. Many new social movements—peer to peer economy, maker activism, community agriculture, queer ecology, etc.—take the opposite approach, keeping value in its unalienated form and allowing it to freely circulate from the bottom up. Unlike Marxism, there is no general theory for bottom-up, unalienated value circulation. This paper examines the concept of “generative justice” through an historical contrast between Marx’s writings and the indigenous cultures that he drew upon. Marx erroneously concluded that while indigenous cultures had unalienated forms of production, only centralized value extraction could allow the productivity needed for a high quality of life. To the contrary, indigenous cultures now provide a robust model for the “gift economy” that underpins open source technological production, agroecology, and restorative approaches to civil rights. Expanding Marx’s concept of unalienated labor value to include unalienated ecological (nonhuman) value, as well as the domain of freedom in speech, sexual orientation, spirituality and other forms of “expressive” value, we arrive at an historically informed perspective for generative justice. 

La otra Ley de Foucault. Una lectura crítica

Few studies have addressed the relationship between law and power in the works of Michel Foucault. Some authors emphasize that law performs a completely secondary role in the diagram of power of modernity, while others argue that there is a close link between power relations and the law. Foucault's Law by Golden and Fitzpatrick aims to renew these discussions and reconstruct another law of Foucault. In this paper I make a critical reading of this work, highlighting the faulty presentation that the authors carried out of the works of Foucault.