521 resultados para Aboriginal Australians Crime


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Flows of cultural heritage in textual practices are vital to sustaining Indigenous communities. Indigenous heritage, whether passed on by oral tradition or ubiquitous social media, can be seen as a “conversation between the past and the future” (Fairclough, 2012, xv). Indigenous heritage involves appropriating memories within a cultural flow to pass on a spiritual legacy. This presentation reports ethnographic research of social media practices in a small independent Aboriginal school in Southeast Queensland, Australia that is resided over by the Yugambeh elders and an Aboriginal principal. The purpose was to rupture existing notions of white literacies in schools, and to deterritorialize the uses of digital media by dominant cultures in the public sphere. Examples of learning experiences included the following: i. Integrating Indigenous language and knowledge into media text production; ii. Using conversations with Indigenous elders and material artifacts as an entry point for storytelling; iii. Dadirri – spiritual listening in the yarning circle to develop storytelling (Ungunmerr-Baumann, 2002); and iv. Writing and publicly sharing oral histories through digital scrapbooking shared via social media. The program aligned with the Australian National Curriculum English (ACARA, 2012), which mandates the teaching of multimodal text creation. Data sources included a class set of digital scrapbooks collaboratively created in a multi-age primary classroom. The digital scrapbooks combined digitally encoded words, images of material artifacts, and digital music files. A key feature of the writing and digital design task was to retell and digitally display and archive a cultural narrative of significance to the Indigenous Australian community and its memories and material traces of the past for the future. Data analysis of the students’ digital stories involved the application of key themes of negotiated, material, and digitally mediated forms of heritage practice. It drew on Australian Indigenous research by Keddie et al. (2013) to guard against the homogenizing of culture that can arise from a focus on a static view of culture. The interpretation of findings located Indigenous appropriation of social media within broader racialized politics that enables Indigenous literacy to be understood as a dynamic, negotiated, and transgenerational flows of practice. The findings demonstrate that Indigenous children’s use of media production reflects “shifting and negotiated identities” in response to changing media environments that can function to sustain Indigenous cultural heritages (Appadurai, 1696, xv). It demonstrated how the children’s experiences of culture are layered over time, as successive generations inherit, interweave, and hear others’ cultural stories or maps. It also demonstrated how the children’s production of narratives through multimedia can provide a platform for the flow and reconstruction of performative collective memories and “lived traces of a common past” (Giaccardi, 2012). It disrupts notions of cultural reductionism and racial incommensurability that fix and homogenize Indigenous practices within and against a dominant White norm. Recommendations are provided for an approach to appropriating social media in schools that explicitly attends to the dynamic nature of Indigenous practices, negotiated through intercultural constructions and flows, and opening space for a critical anti-racist approach to multimodal text production.

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In 2012 the New Zealand government spent $3.4 billion, or nearly $800 per person, on responses to crime via the justice system. Research shows that much of this spending does little to reduce the changes of re-offending. Relatively little money is spent on victims, the rehabilitation of offenders or to support the families of offenders. This book is based on papers presented at the Costs of Crime forum held by the Institute of Policy Studies in February 2011. It presents lessons from what is happening in Australia, Britain and the United States and focuses on how best to manage crime, respond to victims, and reduce offending in a cost-effective manner in a New Zealand context. It is clear that strategies are needed that are based on better research and a more informed approach to policy development. Such strategies must assist victims constructively while also reducing offending. Using public resources to lock as many people in our prisons as possible cannot be justified by the evidence and is fiscally unsustainable; nor does such an approach make society safer. To reduce the costs of crime we need to reinvest resources in effective strategies to build positive futures for those at risk and the communities needed to sustain them.

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Introduction Cybercrime consists of any criminal action or behaviour that is committed through the use of Information Technology. Common examples of such activities include cyber hacking, identity theft, cracking, spamming, social engineering, data tampering, online fraud, programming attacks, etc. The pervasive use of the internet clearly indicates that the impacts of cybercrime is far reaching and any one, may it be a person or an entity can be a victim of cybercriminal activities. Recently in the US, eight members of a global cybercrime ring were charged in one of the biggest ever bank heists. The cybercrime gang allegedly stole US$45 million by hacking into credit card processing firms and withdrawing money from ATMs in 27 countries (Jessica et al. 2013). An extreme example, the above case highlights how IT is changing the way crimes are being committed. No longer do criminals use masks, guns and get-a-way cars, criminals are able to commit crimes in the comfort of their homes, millions of miles from the scene of the crime and can access significant sums of money that can financially cripple organisations. The world is taking notice of this growing threat and organisations in the Pacific must also be proactive in tackling this emerging issue.

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Health promotion progresses a social justice and empowerment agenda and thus emphasises working with people to increase their control over their health. Certainly, Australia has experienced much success in this endeavour and is internationally recognised as a leader. However, health promotion has failed Indigenous Australians; a fact that is echoed in the health outcomes that ironically provide us with the “moral imperative” to act. Further investigation has also revealed health promotion’s foundation in colonial imaginings. Thus, this paper calls for the culture of health promotion to be examined as a risk factor for poor Indigenous health. To complement this call, this paper presents findings of an ethnographic study of Indigenous health promotion practice, undertaken from a postcolonial and critical whiteness framework. These findings provide a narrative of strength and innovative approaches, highlighting the value of Indigenous knowledge. These findings also contradict the biomedical tendency to construct culture as illness-producing. More broadly, this study’s findings entail important lessons for health promotion to consider, if it is to move beyond the rhetoric, to truly increase people’s control over their health.

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The writing of award winning tartan noir author, Denise Mina, “crime queen of Glasgow” has been identified with “explicitly feminist politics,” and Mina herself claims, as a feminist, she wants to use crime fiction to present a “narrative about very disempowered people becoming empowered.” This paper explores how Mina’s avowed stance on feminism plays out in her novel, The Field of Blood (2005), and examines whether her concerns are reflected in the embodied actions of her young protagonist, would-be investigative journalist, Paddy Meehan. It asks whether Mina has succeeded in working against entrenched patriarchal codes of crime fiction’s dominant narrative construction or whether her feminist intentions have been undermined by traditional stereotypical conventions of the genre.

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This paper presents the findings from a conversation between an Aboriginal educator and a non-Indigenous pre-service educator about the importance and complexities of building productive partnerships. Although the participants focused on the challenges and benefits of building relationships between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander educators and non-Indigenous educators in Australian early years settings, the more significant outcome of the meeting was the personal connection two young women were able to make when a friendship began to develop. The project was intended to enable an opportunity for the participants ‘to engage in reflexivity on their pedagogic work’, something Mills (2012) understands as crucial to the support of social justice and transformation in the classroom.

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This chapter outlines specific issues relating to behavioural and emotional problems in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander young people. It describes the most common disorders and their consequences, and how young Aboriginal people are at higher risk for developing such problems than other young Australians. The chapter also discusses the importance of psychosocial, cultural and environmental issues that need to be recognised in assessing and treating Aboriginal young people with behavioural and emotional problems. Issues concerning the delivery of both universal and culturally responsive prevention and intervention programs to address social and emotional wellbeing and mental health are discussed and possible interventions to enhance student engagement at school are provided. Finally, a range of mental health services for Aboriginal families which offer a culturally responsive approach to mental health treatment are listed.

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Perflurooctanoic acid (PFOA) and perfluorooctane sulfonic acid (PFOS) have been used for a variety of applications including fluoropolymer processing, fire-fighting foams and surface treatments since the 1950s. Both PFOS and PFOA are polyfluoroalkyl chemicals (PFCs), man-made compounds that are persistent in the environment and humans; some PFCs have shown adverse effects in laboratory animals. Here we describe the application of a simple one compartment pharmacokinetic model to estimate total intakes of PFOA and PFOS for the general population of urban areas on the east coast of Australia. Key parameters for this model include the elimination rate constants and the volume of distribution within the body. A volume of distribution was calibrated for PFOA to a value of 170ml/kgbw using data from two communities in the United States where the residents' serum concentrations could be assumed to result primarily from a known and characterized source, drinking water contaminated with PFOA by a single fluoropolymer manufacturing facility. For PFOS, a value of 230ml/kgbw was used, based on adjustment of the PFOA value. Applying measured Australian serum data to the model gave mean+/-standard deviation intake estimates of PFOA of 1.6+/-0.3ng/kgbw/day for males and females >12years of age combined based on samples collected in 2002-2003 and 1.3+/-0.2ng/kg bw/day based on samples collected in 2006-2007. Mean intakes of PFOS were 2.7+/-0.5ng/kgbw/day for males and females >12years of age combined based on samples collected in 2002-2003, and 2.4+/-0.5ng/kgbw/day for the 2006-2007 samples. ANOVA analysis was run for PFOA intake and demonstrated significant differences by age group (p=0.03), sex (p=0.001) and date of collection (p<0.001). Estimated intake rates were highest in those aged >60years, higher in males compared to females, and higher in 2002-2003 compared to 2006-2007. The same results were seen for PFOS intake with significant differences by age group (p<0.001), sex (p=0.001) and date of collection (p=0.016).

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Indigenous Australians living in remote areas have little access to the Internet and make little use of it. This article investigates the various dimensions of Internet take-up in remote Indigenous communities in Australia and considers the implications for broadband policy. It focuses specifically on the circumstances and experiences of three remote Indigenous communities in central Australia. Residents in these communities provided significant insight into the social, economic and cultural aspects of communications access and use. This evidence is used to examine the drivers and barriers to home Internet for remote Indigenous communities and to discuss a complex set of issues, including: the dynamics of remote living, economic priorities, cultural engagement with technology, and the characteristics of domestic life in remote Indigenous communities.

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Alternative schools are an emerging model of education offered to young people who have been disenfranchised from conventional schooling opportunities. The body of literature on alternative schools in Australia has not identified how many Indigenous young people are engaged with alternative schools and how alternative schools are supporting Indigenous young people to remain engaged in education. It is well documented that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people experience significant disadvantage including poorer educational outcomes than their non-Indigenous peers. This study seeks to contribute to improving educational outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander young people through exploring Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander interactions with alternative schools in Queensland and investigating the practices of alternative school leaders in terms of how they are supporting Indigenous young people to remain engaged in education. Critical race theory informed the development of this study. An Aboriginal researcher sought to shift the focus of this study away from Indigenous young people to Principals; to explore their perspective of their own knowledge and practices in supporting Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander young people at their school. Using survey methodology, a web-based questionnaire was developed to survey Principals’ providing data on alternative schools in Queensland including the demographics of the alternative school; self-reported knowledge of Indigenous cultures and communities and practices that support Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander young people at their alternative school. There are nine key findings that emerged through the analysis of this study: key finding one is the high percentage of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander young people enrolled in schools surveyed; key finding two is there is a high percentage of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander staff employed in the schools; key finding three is the majority of the schools are located in low socio-economic areas; key finding four is the strong willingness of Principals’ in this study to engage in self-directed learning in relation to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander cultures; key finding five is the limited demonstration of understandings of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander cultures and communities; key finding six is the most prevalent practice of Principals’ in this study is the celebration of cultural events and cultural activities; key finding seven is the limited Principal engagement with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander young people, their families and the local community; key finding eight is the practice of alternative schools provides limited support and nurturing of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander young person’s cultural identity and key finding nine is that Principals’ are relying heavily on informal discussions with staff to know what their staff’s knowledge and skills are in relation to supporting Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander young people. There are multiple implications that have arisen from this study. The data demonstrated high numbers of Aboriginal and Torre Strait Islander students and staff. The data also revealed that Principal’s demonstration of knowledge in relation to Indigenous cultures and communities was limited, as well as limited Principal engagement with Indigenous young peoples, families and communities. Therefore a major practical implication of this study is the urgent need for quality cultural learning opportunities for leaders of alternative schools to improve practices. Additionally, the implications of this study support an urgent need for further research on the role alternative schools are playing in supporting Indigenous young people to remain engaged in education.

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