Sukupolvien ongelma : Tutkielmia sukupolven käsitteestä, sukupolvitietoisuudesta ja suurista ikäluokista

The aims of the thesis are (1) to present a systematic evaluation of generation and its relevance as a sociological concept, (2) to reflect on how generational consciousness, i.e. generation as an object of collective identification that has social significance, can emerge and take shape, (3) to analyze empirically the generational experiences and consciousness of one specific generation, namely Finnish baby boomers (b. 1945 1950). The thesis contributes to the discussion on the social (as distinct from its genealogical) meaning of the concept of generation, launched by Karl Mannheim s classic Das Problem der Generationen (1928), in which the central idea is that a certain group of people is bonded together by a shared experience and that this bonding can result in a distinct self-consciousness. The thesis is comprised of six original articles and an extensive summarizing chapter. In the empirical articles, the baby boomers are studied on the basis of nationally representative survey data (N = 2628) and narrative life-story interviews (N = 38). In the article that discusses the connection of generations and social movements, the analysis is based on the member survey of Attac Finland (N = 1096). Three main themes were clarified in the thesis. (1) In the social sense the concept of generation is a modern, problematic, and ultimately a political concept. It served the interests of the intellectuals who developed the concept in the early 20th century and provided them, as an alternative to the concept of social class, a new way of think about social change and progress. The concept of generation is always coupled with the concept of Zeitgeist or some other controversial way of defining what is essential, i.e. what creates generations, in a given culture. Thus generation is, as a product of definition and classification struggles, a contested concept. The concept also clearly implies elitist connotations; the idea of some kind of vanguard (the elite) that represents an entire generation by proclaiming itself as its spokesman automatically creates a counterpart, namely the others in the peer group who are thought to be represented (the masses). (2) Generational consciousness cannot emerge as a result of any kind of automatic process or endogenously; it must be made. There has to be somebody who represents the generation in order for that generation to exist in people s minds and as an object of identification; generational experiences and their meanings must be articulated. Hence, social generations are, in a fundamental manner, discursively constructed. The articulations of generational experiences (speeches, writings, manifests, labels etc.) can be called as the discursive dimension of social generations, and through this notion, how public discourse shapes people s generational consciousness can be seen. Another important element in the process is collective memory, as generational consciousness often takes form only retrospectively. (3) Finnish baby boomers are not a united or homogeneous generation but are divided into many smaller sections with specific generational experiences and consciousnesses. The content of the generational consciousness of the baby boomers is heavily politically charged. A salient dividing line inside the age group is formed by individual attitudes towards so-called 1960s radicalism. Identification with the 1960s generation functions today as a positive self-definition of a certain small leftist elite group, and the values and characteristics usually connected with the idea of the 1960s generation do not represent the whole age group. On the contrary, among some of the members of the baby boomers, the generational identification is still directed by the experience of how traditional values were disgraced in the 1960s. As objects of identification, the neutral term baby boomers and the charged 1960s generation are totally different things, and therefore they should not be used as synonyms. Although the significance of the group of the 1960s generation is often overestimated, they are however special with respect to generational consciousness because they have presented themselves as the voice of the entire generation. Their generational interpretations have spread through the media with the help of certain iconic images of the generation insomuch that 1960s radicalism has become an indirect generational experience for other parts of the baby boom cohort as well.

The Man Question

What happens when sexuality is banned from IAT public discourse? This book shows how everyday sexual behaviour and morality were — or were not — affected by the Soviet censorship on sexuality. Based on autobiographies written by ordinary people from St. Petersburg, it presents the loves and lives of three generations. It describes perceptions of love, the life course of the Russian family, transmissions of sexual knowledge, informal and illegal practices and contrasting subcultures. By posing the 'man question', Anna Rotkirch argues that the postsocialist transformation has centred on the Russian man. By contrast, one of the strongest continuities in the Russian gender system concerns the ways of mothering.

Maskuliinisuuden rakentuminen alakoulussa

Objectives: Inspiration for this study came from the public discourse and concern for boys poor school achievement, as well as from the author s own perceptions. There was an interest to know if this concern is justified and what are its underlying causes. Previous studies have shown that masculinity is one of the key aspects of boys' poor school achievement. The objective of this research is to study the construction of masculinity in primary school and how this construct of masculinity is manifested by school achievement. Based on previous studies, the pursuit of hegemonic masculinity does not fit with good school grades. If a boy succeeds in school, this success must be compensated for by means of different factors demonstrating hegemonic masculinity. Methods: The research material was obtained by using the etnographic method. The research settled itself feministic school-etnographic research field. The research subjects comprised pupils and teachers of a 5th grade comprehensive school class (10-11-year-olds) in the Uusimaa county. There were twenty-nine (29) pupils (18 boys and 11 girls) in this class and five (5) different teachers who taught the class. The research material was composed of field notes and researcher's diary based on researcher's observations, short group discussions with pupils and interviews of five boys. The field notes consisted of twenty-six (26) lessons and also observations of breaks and eating periods. In short group discussions the researcher discussed with all the pupils that were given a permission for interview. The material was analysed with thematic and analytic reading that led to the writing of an analysis. Results and conclusions: The most salient result of this study was that different masculinities are constructed in primary school. The majority of boys aimed at hegemonic masculinity and the school community strongly supported this. This was shown in speech and in behaviour. School success and mainstream masculinity could be compatible, but success also required compensatory aspects. In addition to these observations, the researcher was able to identify a group of boys which truly wanted to achieve well in school and did not care to strive for hegemonic masculinity. Thus, there should be more room and opportunities for different kinds of masculinity in the school environment. Teachers and the overall school environment should support the different ways of being a boy, and it seems there is a need for gender sensitive pedagogy.

Towards Multiculturalism in Turkish Public Service Broadcasting

The announcement of Turkey as a European Union (EU) candidate country in the Helsinki Summit (10, 11 December 1999) marked a distinct change of identity policy and attitudes towards its citizens. A result in the shift of mindset has been the launch of the first public service broadcasting TV channel for Kurdish people on the 1st of January 2009. TRT 6 (Şeş) broadcasting in unofficial Kurdish language is run by Turkish Radio and Television Corporation (TRT). The thesis attempts to elaborate on the discussions surrounding the launch of TRT 6, Turkey’s first public service broadcasting TV channel for its Kurdish citizens. The research aims at finding the discourses of multiculturalism and public service broadcasting through the mainstream Turkish newspapers, Cumhuriyet, Hurriyet, Sabah, Taraf and Zaman. The method used for the research is Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and the representative newspapers of the Turkish print media are under the question: How has the launch of TRT 6, as the first public service broadcasting channel of Turkey in Kurdish language, been discussed by Turkish daily newspapers in terms of multiculturalism and minority media? The most significant results of the research is that the concerning newspapers have mostly discussed the launch of TRT 6 in the same line with their political affiliation. Thus it is comprehensively concluded that the selected newspapers proved holding a high level of political parallelism, and low professionalism. However, it should be noted that Taraf differs itself from others while challenging the hegemonic discourses embedded in the articles of the other newspapers. Moreover, the study detected three types of discourses: Pro-multiculturalism discourse, Unification discourse, and Assimilation discourse. It can be concluded that in Turkey, media owners and even individual journalists have incentives to form ideological alliances with political parties, and media appears to be an instrument of power struggle. Today, Turkey seems to restore Kurdish identity in its identity policy and aims to proceed with the negotiation for membership of the European Union (EU). The country still strives to transform from the traditional nation-state to a multiethnic democratic state, with multiculturalism as a policy discussed throughout the two terms that the AKP government has been in power. However, this transformation is not an easy process because of the deep-rooted traditions of the nation-state structure that has also polarized the Turkish press.