12 resultados para eumenine mastoparan AF

em Helda - Digital Repository of University of Helsinki


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Sommaren 1788 drabbades den svenska flottan av en svårartad febersjukdom. Febern, som senare definierats som febris recurrens el. återfallsfeber, hade sitt ursprung i den ryska flottan. Besättningen ombord skeppet Vladislav, krigsbytet från slaget vid Hogland, bar på ett stort antal smittade klädlöss. Efter flottans ankomst till Sveaborg spred sig sjukdomen snabbt bland manskapet, men även bland fästningens garnison. Förhållandena inom militären, både inom lantarmén och framför allt inom flottan, var gynnsamma för epidemiers spridning. De trånga utrymmena, den ensidiga kosten, det undermåliga dricksvattnet, den bristande hygienen: allt gynnade uppkomsten och spridningen av olika epidemier. Manskapets försämrade allmäntillstånd gjorde, att sjukdomarna blev mera förödande än vad de i andra förhållanden skulle ha varit. Bristen på manskap och material under Gustav III:s ryska krig var enormt, bl.a. var bristen på medicinsk personal och -utrustning skriande. Då flottan och armén drabbades av en epidemi av katastrofala dimensioner stod myndigheterna hjälplösa. Epidemin visaqr tydligt hur illa förberett hela kriget var och hur misskött flottans sjukvård var. På Sveaborg var förhållandena fruktansvärda. Halva garnisonen uppges ha avlidit, och det låg travar av lik överallt. Kaserner m.fl. byggnader adapterades till provisoriska lasarett och det rådde brist på allt. De medicinska myndigheterna representerades av den till fästningen skickade andra fältläkaren, som tillsammans med läkarna på fästningen gjorde sitt bästa i enlighet med tidens vårdmetoder. Då den svenska örlogsflottan i november seglat över tilll Karlskrona spred sig epidemin i staden. Sjukdomen grasserade också bland de civila. Då sjukdomens orsak och utbredningssätt var okända, kunde man varken hindra epidemin från att spridas eller genomföra adekvata vårdmetoder. Tvärtom, med de hemförlovade båtsmännen spred sig sjukdomen även till de övriga delarna av riket. Under 1789 var flottan p.g.a. de många sjukdomsfallen närmast operationsoduglig. Under vårvintern och våren 1790 avtog epidemin. Epidemin var ett svårt medicinskt problem. För att utreda situationen i Karlskrona skickade den tillförordnade regeringen, utredningskommissionen och Collegium medicum sina egna representanter till staden. De olika läkarnas sjukdomssyner grundade sig främst på tron om sjukdomars uppkomst genom miasma och förbättrandet av luftkvaliteten sågs som en väsentlig vårdform. I arbetet jämförs de olika myndigheternas och några av de på platsen varande läkarnas syn på sjukdomens art, dess orsaker och ursprung. De flesta härleder sjukdomen till den ryska flottan, och nämner någon form av smitta. Som främsta sjukdomsorsak nämns dock miasma och de rekommenderade vårdformerna representerade den humoralpatologiska synen. Förste amiralitetsläkaren Arvid Faxe representerar dock en annan åsikt, i det att han enbart tror på sjukdomens överföring via smitta. Epidemin var också ett politiskt problem. Epidemin var en lokal angelägenhet ända till dess att flottans operationer hämmades av manskapsbristen, varefter den blev ett ärende på högsta nivå. Kungen ingrep sommaren 1789 genom att grunda en kommision med rätt vidsträckta befogenheter. I Karlskrona verkar de militära myndigheterna och läkarna ha misstrott och skuldsatt varandra för katastrofen, och förhållandet mellan de till staden sända utredarna och militärerna var likaså inflammerat. Genom källorna återspeglas rivalitet, avund och inbördes konkurrens. Personalbristen var svår, och den skyldiga söktes utanför den egna kretsen. Den danskfödde apotekaren med sina påstott otjänliga mediciner blev en ypperlig syndabock. Örlogsflottan beräknas i sjukdomar ha förlorat omkring 10.000 man i döda, huvudsakligen i Karlskrona (civila inberäknade). Armén och Skärgårdsflottan uppges likadeles ha mist omkring 10.000 man, medan antalet i strid stupade armésoldater endast var ca 1500. Sammanlagt antas alltså ca 20.000 människor ha mist livet; både i återfallsfeber, men även i andra, samtidigt grasserande farsoter. I denna siffra är inte de övriga delarna av riket inberäknade. Epidemin i fråga kan alltså på goda grunder anses vara det svenska 1700-talets största medicinska katastrof.

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Professor Knud Lyne Rahbek was a novelist, playwright, poet, magazine editor, journalist, socialite person, host of the Bakkehus , historian, theatre manager, translator, publisher etc., but his versatility either side of 1800 is better known than read and more despised than understood. In terms of methodology, the thesis is based on biographical, historical and philological research, while at the same time making use of formalistic and close reading methods. This study begins and ends with 7th of February 1800, when Kamma and Knud Lyne Rahbek join the exiled P.A. Heiberg at the inn near Frederiksberg Castle. What falls between is an interpretation of Rahbek s works in the service of democracy, human rights and freedom of the press as a pragmatic navigation between activities - both subversive and legitimate. Posterity mistook this range as mere spinelessness, and Rahbek was relegated to the literary and historical margins as an anachronism and as a jack of all trades, who did not know what he really wanted and therefore flitted about in so many fields just to be present. But Rahbek s problem was not one of standpoint, but rather how to find a balance between totalizing attitudes and confrontations between rebellious idealism and deep-rooted absolutism, without foregoing his belief in enlightenment, humanism and tolerance. In this way, and also through his personal conduct, which at that time was seen as jovial bonhommie, he made his contribution to the development of modern democratic Denmark in the full awareness of a popular, peaceful and down-to-earth community. Rahbek s principal work about the event of the French Revolution, which provides the focus for the above, is Camill og Constance. Et Revolutions Skilderie (1799). For today s reader, the novel about the revolution is an obvious example of a historical novel, as it does not only provide fictionalized information about past events placing them in a generally accepted perspective of historical development, but also gives the characters qualities, which, in Rahbek s words, allows the real events to influence the fictional characters. From this point of view, the novel of the revolution has shifted the benchmark for the first real historical novel on the European literary scene back by fifteen years. Lacking the aura so easily foisted on fearless iconoclasts or tragic losers, Rahbek s contribution may seem modest in spite of its enormous volume; but only when it is not evaluated in its full context, which is the development of Denmark towards an international democratic society.

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Prostate cancer is the most common noncutaneous malignancy and the second leading cause of cancer mortality in men. In 2004, 5237 new cases were diagnosed and altogether 25 664 men suffered from prostate cancer in Finland (Suomen Syöpärekisteri). Although extensively investigated, we still have a very rudimentary understanding of the molecular mechanisms leading to the frequent transformation of the prostate epithelium. Prostate cancer is characterized by several unique features including the multifocal origin of tumors and extreme resistance to chemotherapy, and new treatment options are therefore urgently needed. The integrity of genomic DNA is constantly challenged by genotoxic insults. Cellular responses to DNA damage involve elegant checkpoint cascades enforcing cell cycle arrest, thus facilitating damage repair, apoptosis or cellular senescence. Cellular DNA damage triggers the activation of tumor suppressor protein p53 and Wee1 kinase which act as executors of the cellular checkpoint responses. These are essential for genomic integrity, and are activated in early stages of tumorigenesis in order to function as barriers against tumor formation. Our work establishes that the primary human prostatic epithelial cells and prostatic epithelium have unexpectedly indulgent checkpoint surveillance. This is evidenced by the absence of inhibitory Tyr15 phosphorylation on Cdk2, lack of p53 response, radioresistant DNA synthesis, lack of G1/S and G2/M phase arrest, and presence of persistent gammaH2AX damage foci. We ascribe the absence of inhibitory Tyr15 phosphorylation to low levels of Wee1A, a tyrosine kinase and negative regulator of cell cycle progression. Ectopic Wee1A kinase restored Cdk2-Tyr15 phosphorylation and efficiently rescued the ionizing radiation-induced checkpoints in the human prostatic epithelial cells. As variability in the DNA damage responses has been shown to underlie susceptibility to cancer, our results imply that a suboptimal checkpoint arrest may greatly increase the accumulation of genetic lesions in the prostate epithelia. We also show that small molecules can restore p53 function in prostatic epithelial cells and may serve as a paradigm for the development of future therapeutic agents for the treatment of prostate cancer We hypothesize that the prostate has evolved to activate the damage surveillance pathways and molecules involved in these pathways only to certain stresses in extreme circumstances. In doing so, this organ inadvertently made itself vulnerable to genotoxic stress, which may have implications in malignant transformation. Recognition of the limited activity of p53 and Wee1 in the prostate could drive mechanism-based discovery of preventative and therapeutic agents.

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Atrial fibrillation is the most common arrhythmia requiring treatment. This Thesis investigated atrial fibrillation (AF) with a specific emphasis on atrial remodeling which was analysed from epidemiological, clinical and magnetocardiographic (MCG) perspectives. In the first study we evaluated in real-life clinical practice a population-based cohort of AF patients referred for their first elective cardioversion (CV). 183 consecutive patients were included of whom in 153 (84%) sinus rhythm (SR) was restored. Only 39 (25%) of those maintained SR for one year. Shorter duration of AF and the use of sotalol were the only characteristics associated with better restoration and maintenance of SR. During the one-year follow-up 40% of the patients ended up in permanent AF. Female gender and older age were associated with the acceptance of permanent AF. The LIFE-trial was a prospective, randomised, double-blinded study that evaluated losartan and atenolol in patients with hypertension and left ventricular hypertrophy (LVH). Of the 8,851 patients with SR at baseline and without a history of AF 371 patients developed new-onset AF during the study. Patients with new-onset AF had an increased risk of cardiac events, stroke, and increased rate of hospitalisation for heart failure. Younger age, female gender, lower systolic blood pressure, lesser LVH in ECG and randomisation to losartan therapy were independently associated with lower frequency of new-onset AF. The impact of AF on morbidity and mortality was evaluated in a post-hoc analysis of the OPTIMAAL trial that compared losartan with captopril in patients with acute myocardial infarction (AMI) and evidence of LV dysfunction. Of the 5,477 randomised patients 655 had AF at baseline, and 345 patients developed new AF during the follow-up period, median 3.0 years. Older patients and patients with signs of more serious heart disease had and developed AF more often. Patients with AF at baseline had an increased risk of mortality (hazard ratio (HR) of 1.32) and stroke (HR 1.77). New-onset AF was associated with increased mortality (HR 1.82) and stroke (HR of 2.29). In the fourth study we assessed the reproducibility of our MCG method. This method was used in the fifth study where 26 patients with persistent AF had immediately after the CV longer P-wave duration and higher energy of the last portion of atrial signal (RMS40) in MCG, increased P-wave dispersion in SAECG and decreased pump function of the atria as well as enlarged atrial diameter in echocardiography compared to age- and disease-matched controls. After one month in SR, P-wave duration in MCG still remained longer and left atrial (LA) diameter greater compared to the controls, while the other measurements had returned to the same level as in the control group. In conclusion is not a rare condition in either general population or patients with hypertension or AMI, and it is associated with increased risk of morbidity and mortality. Therefore, atrial remodeling that increases the likelihood of AF and also seems to be relatively stable has to be identified and prevented. MCG was found to be an encouraging new method to study electrical atrial remodeling and reverse remodeling. RAAS-suppressing medications appear to be the most promising method to prevent atrial remodeling and AF.

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Atrial fibrillation (AF) is the most common tachyarrhythmia and is associated with substantial morbidity, increased mortality and cost. The treatment modalities of AF have increased, but results are still far from optimal. More individualized therapy may be beneficial. Aiming for this calls improved diagnostics. Aim of this study was to find non-invasive parameters obtained during sinus rhythm reflecting electrophysiological patterns related to propensity to AF and particularly to AF occurring without any associated heart disease, lone AF. Overall 240 subjects were enrolled, 136 patients with paroxysmal lone AF and 104 controls (mean age 45 years, 75% males). Signal measurements were performed by non-invasive magnetocardiography (MCG) and by invasive electroanatomic mapping (EAM). High-pass filtering techniques and a new method based on a surface gradient technique were adapted to analyze atrial MCG signal. The EAM was used to elucidate atrial activation in patients and as a reference for MCG. The results showed that MCG mapping is an accurate method to detect atrial electrophysiologic properties. In lone paroxysmal AF, duration of the atrial depolarization complex was marginally prolonged. The difference was more obvious in women and was also related to interatrial conduction patterns. In the focal type of AF (75%), the root mean square (RMS) amplitudes of the atrial signal were normal, but in AF without demonstrable triggers the late atrial RMS amplitudes were reduced. In addition, the atrial characteristics tended to remain similar even when examined several years after the first AF episodes. The intra-atrial recordings confirmed the occurrence of three distinct sites of electrical connection from right to left atrium (LA): the Bachmann bundle (BB), the margin of the fossa ovalis (FO), and the coronary sinus ostial area (CS). The propagation of atrial signal could also be evaluated non-invasively. Three MCG atrial wave types were identified, each of which represented a distinct interatrial activation pattern. In conclusion, in paroxysmal lone AF, active focal triggers are common, atrial depolarization is slightly prolonged, but with a normal amplitude, and the arrhythmia does not necessarily lead to electrical or mechanical dysfunction of the atria. In women the prolongation of atrial depolarization is more obvious. This may be related to gender differences in presentation of AF. A significant minority of patients with lone AF lack frequent focal triggers, and in them, the late atrial signal amplitude is reduced, possibly signifying a wider degenerative process in the LA. In lone AF, natural impulse propagation to LA during sinus rhythm goes through one or more of the principal pathways described. The BB is the most common route, but in one-third, the earliest LA activation occurs outside the BB. Susceptibility to paroxysmal lone AF is associated with propagation of the atrial signal via the margin of the FO or via multiple pathways. When conduction occurs via the BB, it is related with prolonged atrial activation. Thus, altered and alternative conduction pathways may contribute to pathogenesis of lone AF. There is growing evidence of variability in genesis of AF also within lone paroxysmal AF. Present study suggests that this variation may be reflected in cardiac signal pattern. Recognizing the distinct signal profiles may assist in understanding the pathogenesis of AF and identifying subgroups for patient-tailored therapy.

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The evacuation of Finnish children to Sweden during WW II has often been called a small migration . Historical research on this subject is scarce, considering the great number of children involved. The present research has applied, apart from the traditional archive research, the framework of history-culture developed by Rüsen in order to have an all-inclusive approach to the impact of this historical event. The framework has three dimensions: political, aesthetic and cognitive. The collective memory of war children has also been discussed. The research looks for political factors involved in the evacuations during the Winter War and the Continuation War and the post-war period. The approach is wider than a purely humanitarian one. Political factors have had an impact in both Finland and Sweden, beginning from the decision-making process and ending with the discussion of the unexpected consequences of the evacuations in the Finnish Parliament in 1950. The Winter War (30.11.1939 13.3.1940) witnessed the first child transports. These were also the model for future decision making. The transports were begun on the initiative of Swedes Maja Sandler, the wife of the resigned minister of foreign affairs Rickard Sandler, and Hanna Rydh-Munck af Rosenschöld , but this activity was soon accepted by the Swedish government because the humanitarian help in the form of child transports lightened the political burden of Prime Minister Hansson, who was not willing to help Finland militarily. It was help that Finland never asked for and it was rejected at the beginning. The negative response of Minister Juho Koivisto was not taken very seriously. The political forces in Finland supporting child transports were stronger than those rejecting them. The major politicians in support belonged to Finland´s Swedish minority. In addition, close to 1 000 Finnish children remained in Sweden after the Winter War. No analysis was made of the reasons why these children did not return home. A committee set up to help Finland and Norway was established in Sweden in 1941. Its chairman was Torsten Nothin, an influential Swedish politician. In December 1941 he appealed to the Swedish government to provide help to Finnish children under the authority of The International Red Cross. This plea had no results. The delivery of great amounts of food to Finland, which was now at war with Great Britain, had automatically caused reactions among the allies against the Swedish imports through Gothenburg. This included the import of oil, which was essential for the Swedish navy and air force. Oil was later used successfully to force a reduction in commerce between Sweden and Finland. The contradiction between Sweden´s essential political interests and humanitarian help was solved in a way that did not harm the country´s vital political interests. Instead of delivering help to Finland, Finnish children were transported to Sweden through the organisations that had already been created. At the beginning of the Continuation War (25.6.1941 27.4.1945) negative opinion regarding child transports re-emerged in Finland. Karl-August Fagerholm implemented the transports in September 1941. In 1942, members of the conservative parties in the Finnish Parliament expressed their fear of losing the children to the Swedes. They suggested that Finland should withdraw from the inter-Nordic agreement, according to which the adoptions were approved by the court of the country where the child resided. This initiative failed. Paavo Virkkunen, an influential member of the conservative party Kokoomus in Finland, favoured the so-called good-father system, where help was delivered to Finland in the form of money and goods. Virkkunen was concerned about the consequences of a long stay in a Swedish family. The risk of losing the children was clear. The extreme conservative party (IKL, the Patriotic Movement of the Finnish People) wanted to alienate Finland from Sweden and bring Finland closer to Germany. Von Blücher, the German ambassador to Finland, had in his report to Berlin, mentioned the political consequences of the child transports. Among other things, they would bring Finland and Sweden closer to each other. He had also paid attention to the Nordic political orientation in Finland. He did not question or criticize the child transports. His main interest was to increase German political influence in Finland, and the Nordic political orientation was an obstacle. Fagerholm was politically ill-favoured by the Germans, because he had a strong Nordic political disposition and had criticised Germany´s activities in Norway. The criticism of child transports was at the same time criticism of Fagerholm. The official censorship organ of the Finnish government (VTL) denied the criticism of child transports in January 1942. The reasons were political. Statements made by members of the Finnish Parliament were also censored, because it was thought that they would offend the Swedes. In addition, the censorship organ used child transports as a means of active propaganda aimed at improving the relations between the two countries. The Finnish Parliament was informed in 1948 that about 15 000 Finnish children still remained in Sweden. These children would stay there permanently. In 1950 the members of the Agrarian Party in Finland stated that Finland should actively strive to get the children back. The party on the left (SKDL, the Democratic Movement of Finnish People) also focused on the unexpected consequences of the child transports. The Social Democrats, and largely Fagerholm, had been the main force in Finland behind the child transports. Members of the SKDL, controlled by Finland´s Communist Party, stated that the war time authorities were responsible for this war loss. Many of the Finnish parents could not get their children back despite repeated requests. The discussion of the problem became political, for example von Born, a member of the Swedish minority party RKP, related this problem to foreign policy by stating that the request to repatriate the Finnish children would have negative political consequences for the relations between Finland and Sweden. He emphasized expressing feelings of gratitude to the Swedes. After the war a new foreign policy was established by Prime Minister (1944 1946) and later President (1946 1956) Juho Kusti Paasikivi. The main cornerstone of this policy was to establish good relations with the Soviet Union. The other, often forgotten, cornerstone was to simultaneously establish good relations with other Nordic countries, especially Sweden, as a counterbalance. The unexpected results of the child evacuation, a Swedish initiative, had violated the good relations with Sweden. The motives of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People were much the same as those of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People. Only the ideology was different. The Nordic political orientation was an obstacle to both parties. The position of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People was much better than that of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People, because now one could clearly see the unexpected results, which included human tragedy for the many families who could not be re-united with their children despite their repeated requests. The Swedes questioned the figure given to the Finnish Parliament regarding the number of children permanently remaining in Sweden. This research agrees with the Swedes. In a calculation based on Swedish population registers, the number of these children is about 7 100. The reliability of this figure is increased by the fact that the child allowance programme began in Sweden in 1948. The prerequisite to have this allowance was that the child be in the Swedish population register. It was not necessary for the child to have Swedish nationality. The Finnish Parliament had false information about the number of Finnish children who remained in Sweden in 1942 and in 1950. There was no parliamentary control in Finland regarding child transports, because the decision was made by one cabinet member and speeches by MPs in the Finnish Parliament were censored, like all criticism regarding child transports to Sweden. In Great Britain parliamentary control worked better throughout the whole war, because the speeches regarding evacuation were not censored. At the beginning of the war certain members of the British Labour Party and the Welsh Nationalists were particularly outspoken about the scheme. Fagerholm does not discuss to any great extent the child transports in his memoirs. He does not evaluate the process and results as a whole. This research provides some possibilities for an evaluation of this sort. The Swedish medical reports give a clear picture of the physical condition of the Finnish children when arriving in Sweden. The transports actually revealed how bad the situation of the poorest children was. According to Titmuss, similar observations were made in Great Britain during the British evacuations. The child transports saved the lives of approximately 2 900 children. Most of these children were removed to Sweden to receive treatment for illnesses, but many among the healthy children were undernourished and some suffered from the effects of tuberculosis. The medical inspection in Finland was not thorough. If you compare the figure of 2 900 children saved and returned with the figure of about 7 100 children who remained permanently in Sweden, you may draw the conclusion that Finland as a country failed to benefit from the child transports, and that the whole operation was a political mistake with far-reaching consequenses. The basic goal of the operation was to save lives and have all the children return to Finland after the war. The difficulties with the repatriation of the children were mainly psychological. The level of child psychology in Finland at that time was low. One may question the report by Professor Martti Kaila regarding the adaptation of children to their families back in Finland. Anna Freud´s warnings concerning the difficulties that arise when child evacuees return are also valid in Finland. Freud viewed the emotional life of children in a way different from Kaila: the physical survival of a small child forces her to create strong emotional ties to the person who is looking after her. This, a characteristic of all small children, occurred with the Finnish children too, and it was something the political decision makers in Finland could not see during and after the war. It is a characteristic of all little children. Yet, such experiences were already evident during the Winter War. The best possible solution had been to limit the child transports only to children in need of medical treatment. Children from large and poor families had been helped by organising meals and by buying food from Denmark with Swedish money. Assisting Finland by all possible means should have been the basic goal of Fagerholm in September 1941, when the offer of child transports came from Sweden. Fagerholm felt gratitude towards the Swedes. The risks became clear to him only in 1943. The war children are today a rather scattered and diffuse group of people. Emotionally, part of these children remained in Sweden after the war. There is no clear collective memory, only individual memories; the collective memory of the war children has partly been shaped later through the activities of the war child associations. The main difference between the children evacuated in Finland (for example from Karelia to safer areas with their families) and the war children, who were sent abroad, is that the war children lack a shared story and experience with their families. They were outsiders . The whole matter is sensitive to many of such mothers and discussing the subject has often been avoided in families. The war-time censorship has continued in families through silence and avoidance and Finnish politicians and Finnish families had to face each other on this issue after the war. The lack of all-inclusive historical research has also prevented the formation of a collective awareness among war children returned to Finland or those remaining permanently abroad.. Knowledge of historical facts will help war-children by providing an opportunity to create an all-inclusive approach to the past. Personal experiences should be regarded as part of a large historical entity shadowed by war and where many political factors were at work in both Finland and Sweden. This means strengthening of the cognitive dimension discussed in Rüsen´s all-inclusive historical approach.

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The protein kinases (PKs) belong to the largest single family of enzymes, phosphotransferases, which catalyze the phosphorylation of other enzymes and proteins and function primarily in signal transduction. Consequently, PKs regulate cell mechanisms such as growth, differentiation, and proliferation. Dysfunction of these cellular mechanisms may lead to cancer, a major predicament in health care. Even though there is a range of clinically available cancer-fighting drugs, increasing number of cancer cases and setbacks such as drug resistance, constantly keep cancer research active. At the commencement of this study an isophthalic acid derivative had been suggested to bind to the regulatory domain of protein kinase C (PKC). In order to investigate the biological effects and structure-activity relationships (SARs) of this new chemical entity, a library of compounds was synthesized. The best compounds induced apoptosis in human leukemia HL-60 cells and were not cytotoxic in Swiss 3T3 fibroblasts. In addition, the best apoptosis inducers were neither cytotoxic nor mutagenic. Furthermore, results from binding affinity assays of PKC isoforms revealed the pharmacophores of these isophthalic acid derivatives. The best inhibition constants of the tested compounds were measured to 210 nM for PKCα and to 530 nM for PKCδ. Among natural compounds targeting the regulatory domain of PKC, the target of bistramide A has been a matter of debate. It was initially found to activate PKCδ; however, actin was recently reported as the main target. In order to clarify and to further study the biological effects of bistramide A, the total syntheses of the natural compound and two isomers were performed. Biological assays of the compounds revealed accumulation of 4n polyploid cells as the primary mode of action and the compounds showed similar overall antiproliferative activities. However, each compound showed a distinct distribution of antimitotic effect presumably via actin binding, proapoptotic effect presumably via PKCδ, and pro-differentiation effect as evidenced by CD11b expression. Furthermore, it was shown that the antimitotic and proapoptotic effects of bistramide A were not secondary effects of actin binding but independent effects. The third aim in this study was to synthesize a library of a new class of urea-based type II inhibitors targeted at the kinase domain of anaplastic lymphoma kinase (ALK). The best compounds in this library showed IC50 values as low as 390 nM for ALK while the initial low cellular activities were successfully increased even by more than 70 times for NPM-ALK- positive BaF3 cells. More importantly, selective antiproliferative activity on ALK-positive cell lines was achieved; while the best compound affected the BaF3 and SU-DHL-1 cells with IC50 values of 0.5 and 0.8 μM, respectively, they were less toxic to the NPM-ALK-negative human leukemic cells U937 (IC50 = 3.2 μM) and BaF3 parental cells (IC50 = 5.4 μM). Furthermore, SAR studies of the synthesized compounds revealed functional groups and positions of the scaffold, which enhanced the enzymatic and cellular activities.

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Urinary incontinence is a common problem, affecting one third of the women at least at some time during their lives. The prevalence of urinary incontinence increases with advancing age, and the everyday impact of incontinence on women and on health services is enormous. Urinary incontinence is usually divided into three different subtypes, of which stress urinary incontinence (SUI) is the most common. Surgical treatment is often needed to cure SUI, and modern mid-urethral sling procedures give the possibility to cure this condition with a low risk of adverse events, a problem often associated with the so-called traditional incontinence operations. Life expectancy among women in Western countries has grown beyond 80 years of age. Long-term efficacy of treatment options for urinary incontinence therefore becomes an important issue in a world with limited eco-nomic resources. The purpose of the present study was to prospectively evaluate the long-term efficacy and safety of the first minimally invasive mid-urethral tape procedure, the Tension-free Vaginal Tape (TVT) procedure. The long-term (5-year) follow-up results of the TVT procedure as a repeat operation af-ter an unsuccessful mid-urethral tape operation were studied and the reasons for failure of the first operation were analyzed. Another purpose was to compare the original TVT procedure with a newer modification, the Tension-free Vaginal Tape Obturator (TVT-O) procedure within a multi-centre, randomized context in order to find out possible differences between these procedures re-garding efficacy and complications and the effects on symptoms of urgency. The first study of the present thesis is a prospective, Nordic, three-centre follow-up study of 90 women suffering from SUI, who were treated by means of the TVT procedure. The mean follow-up time was more than eleven years, and the study is the first to be published in connection with more than ten years of follow-up. The second study is a retrospective analysis of 26 women who were treated with a repeat TVT procedure after an unsuccessful primary mid-urethral tape procedure. The third and fourth studies concern 273 women in seven centres in Finland who were ran-domly assigned to the TVT and TVT-O procedures, the 3-year follow-up results of which are pre-sented in this thesis. After eleven years of follow-up, 90% of the women had a negative cough stress test result and a negative 24-h pad test result. The subjective cure rate measured as the women s global impression of cure was 77%, the rate of improvement 20%, and only 3% thought that the treatment had failed. No late-onset adverse effects were found. The repeat TVT procedure was successful in 75% of the cases when women who were cured and women who were significantly improved were included. The reasons for failure of the first operation could be separated into four different groups: tape material-related, operation technique-related, concomitant illness-related and a group with no identifiable reason. There were no intra-operative complications during the repeat operation. In the randomized trial comparing the TVT with the TVT-O procedure a cough stress test results were negative in 94.6% and 89.5% of the women in the two groups, respectively, after a 3-year follow-up period. There were no statistical differences in the cure rate or the rate of complications be-tween the two procedures. Symptoms of urgency were analyzed more closely and the main finding was that the prevalence of urgency symptoms decreased significantly after both mid-urethral sling procedures. The TVT operation was found to be an effective and safe procedure even after eleven years of follow-up. Long-term follow-up after a repeat TVT procedure revealed that the TVT procedure can well be considered after an unsuccessful mid-urethra tape procedure, because 75% of the patients showed significantly improvement of their incontinence. The TVT and TVT-O procedures showed no statistically significant differences in efficacy and rate of complications after three years of follow-up. In most cases these procedures alleviate preoperative symptoms of urgency and the risk of developing de novo urgency is low.

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The aim of the study is to investigate the use of finlandisms in an historical perspective, how they have been viewed from the mid-19th century to this day, and the effect of language planning on their use. A finlandism is a word, a phrase, or a structure that is used only in the Swedish varieties used in Finland (i.e. in Finland Swedish), or used in these varieties in a different meaning than in the Swedish used in Sweden. Various aspects of Finland-Swedish language planning are discussed in relation to language planning generally; in addition, the relation of Finland Swedish to Standard Swedish and standard regional varieties is discussed, and various types of finlandisms are analysed in detail. A comprehensive picture is provided of the emergence and evolution of the ideology of language planning from the mid-19th century up until today. A theoretical model of corpus planning is presented and its effect on linguistic praxis described. One result of the study is that the belief among Finland-Swedish language planners that the Swedish language in Finland must not be allowed to become distanced from Standard Swedish, has been widely adopted by the average Finland Swede, particularly during the interwar period, following the publication of Hugo Bergroth s work Finlandssvenska in 1917. Criticism of this language-planning ideology started to appear in the 1950s, and intensified in the 1970s. However, language planning and the basis for this conception of language continue to enjoy strong support among Swedish-speaking Finns. I show that the editing of Finnish literary texts written in Swedish has often been somewhat amateurish and the results not always linguistically appropriate, and that Swedish publishers have in fact adopted a rather liberal attitude towards finlandisms. My conclusion is that language planning has achieved rather modest results in its resistance to finlandisms. Most of the finlandisms used in 1915 were still in use in 2005. Finlandisms occur among speakers of all ages, and even among academically educated people despite their more elevated style. The most common finlandisms were used by informants of all ages. The ones that are firmly rooted are the most established, in other words those that are stylistically neutral, seemingly genuinely Swedish, but which are nevertheless strongly supported by Finnish, and display a shift in meaning as compared with Standard Swedish.