Democratic Legitimacy and the Politics of Rights : A comparative analysis of the conceptual relationship between democracy and rights in contemporary political theories

Democratic Legitimacy and the Politics of Rights is a research in normative political theory, based on comparative analysis of contemporary democratic theories, classified roughly as conventional liberal, deliberative democratic and radical democratic. Its focus is on the conceptual relationship between alternative sources of democratic legitimacy: democratic inclusion and liberal rights. The relationship between rights and democracy is studied through the following questions: are rights to be seen as external constraints to democracy or as objects of democratic decision making processes? Are individual rights threatened by public participation in politics; do constitutionally protected rights limit the inclusiveness of democratic processes? Are liberal values such as individuality, autonomy and liberty; and democratic values such as equality, inclusion and popular sovereignty mutually conflictual or supportive? Analyzing feminist critique of liberal discourse, the dissertation also raises the question about Enlightenment ideals in current political debates: are the universal norms of liberal democracy inherently dependent on the rationalist grand narratives of modernity and incompatible with the ideal of diversity? Part I of the thesis introduces the sources of democratic legitimacy as presented in the alternative democratic models. Part II analyses how the relationship between rights and democracy is theorized in them. Part III contains arguments by feminists and radical democrats against the tenets of universalist liberal democratic models and responds to that critique by partly endorsing, partly rejecting it. The central argument promoted in the thesis is that while the deconstruction of modern rationalism indicates that rights are political constructions as opposed to externally given moral constraints to politics, this insight does not delegitimize the politics of universal rights as an inherent part of democratic institutions. The research indicates that democracy and universal individual rights are mutually interdependent rather than oppositional; and that democracy is more dependent on an unconditional protection of universal individual rights when it is conceived as inclusive, participatory and plural; as opposed to robust majoritarian rule. The central concepts are: liberalism, democracy, legitimacy, deliberation, inclusion, equality, diversity, conflict, public sphere, rights, individualism, universalism and contextuality. The authors discussed are e.g. John Rawls, Jürgen Habermas, Seyla Benhabib, Iris Young, Chantal Mouffe and Stephen Holmes. The research focuses on contemporary political theory, but the more classical work of John S. Mill, Benjamin Constant, Isaiah Berlin and Hannah Arendt is also included.

Paradox between democracy and security- case study on Pakistan

Pro gradu-tutkielma tutkii demokratian ja turvallisuuden paradoksia Pakistanissa esitellen kuusi tekijää, jotka vaikuttavat kyseiseen paradoksiin. Näitä tekijöitä ovat historiallinen kehitys; eliittihallinto; taloudellinen kehitys; Pakistanin poliittisten tekijöiden demokratian eri määritelmät; opetuksen puuttuminen; ja valtataistelu hallituksen, armeijan, tiedustelupalvelun, oikeusjärjestelmän, poliittisten puolueiden sekä eri heimojen, uskonnollisten ja etnisten ryhmien välillä. Tutkimus tarkastelee myös sitä miten nämä tekijät vaikuttavat demokratian kehitykseen Pakistanissa. Keskeinen argumentti on, että länsimainen demokratia ei esiinny eikä toimi Pakistanissa vallitsevissa oloissa, etenkin historiallisen kehityksen ja ulkoisen turvallisuuden takia. Pro gradu-tutkielma käyttää sekundäärisiä lähteitä, kuten kirjoja, artikkeleita, maaraportteja, kommentaareja sekä omiin kokemuksiin perustuvia havaintoja Pakistanin matkalta 2010-2011. Keskeiset teoriat gradussa ovat Guillermo O’ Donnelin delegaattidemokratia sekä Duncan McCargon eliittihallintoteoria, jotka yhdessä selittävät historiallista kehitystä ja eliittihallinnon dynamiikkaa, mitkä johtavat paradoksiin. Kautta historian armeija on hallinnut Pakistania, ja siviilihallinto on ainoastaan neljä kertaa onnistunut olemaan vallassa, mutta silloinkin siviilihallinto päättyi korruptioväitteisiin tai armeijan vallankaappaukseen. Armeijahallinnoille on luonteenomaista hyvät suhteet USA:n, positiivinen taloudellinen kehitys ja vakaus, kun taas siviilihallinnot ovat epävakaita ja korruptoituneita. Tämä kehitys on paradoksin tausta, joka rakentuu turvallisuuspoliittisen tilanteen pohjalle eli hallitusten ja muiden tekijöiden yritykseen löytää vastapaino Intian uhalle. Tämä on ollut keskeinen huoli kelle tahansa poliittiselle päättäjälle itsenäisyydestä lähtien. Loputon valtataistelu eri poliittisten tekijöiden kesken sekä eliittihallinto pitävät yllä paradoksia, koska eliitit ovat kiinnostuneempia oman valtansa säilyttämisestä kuin kansan tahdon huomioonottamisesta. Koska valtaosa ihmisistä ei ole koulutettuja, he ovat paljolti kiinnostuneita omasta selviytymisestään, ja tämän takia sekä kansa että eliitit suosivat armeijahallintoa, koska se tuo vakautta ja taloudellista kehitystä. Sen vuoksi vallitsevissa oloissa demokratian tulevaisuus Pakistanissa näyttää huonolta, koska liberaalidemokratian vaatimukset eivät täyty puoliksi vapaan oikeussysteemin, puoliksi vapaan lehdistön, valtavan korruption ja monien ihmisoikeusloukkauksien takia unohtamatta armeijan ja tiedustelupalvelun sekaantumista siviilihallintoon.

Ethics in a Technological World : Framing the Questions and Three Approaches

This study addresses the following question: How to think about ethics in a technological world? The question is treated first thematically by framing central issues in the relationship between ethics and technology. This relationship has three distinct facets: i) technological advance poses new challenges for ethics, ii) traditional ethics may become poorly applicable in a technologically transformed world, and iii) the progress in science and technology has altered the concept of rationality in ways that undermine ethical thinking itself. The thematic treatment is followed by the description and analysis of three approaches to the questions framed. First, Hans Jonas s thinking on the ontology of life and the imperative of responsibility is studied. In Jonas s analysis modern culture is found to be nihilistic because it is unable to understand organic life, to find meaning in reality, and to justify morals. At the root of nihilism Jonas finds dualism, the traditional Western way of seeing consciousness as radically separate from the material world. Jonas attempts to create a metaphysical grounding for an ethic that would take the technologically increased human powers into account and make the responsibility for future generations meaningful and justified. The second approach is Albert Borgmann s philosophy of technology that mainly assesses the ways in which technological development has affected everyday life. Borgmann admits that modern technology has liberated humans from toil, disease, danger, and sickness. Furthermore, liberal democracy, possibilities for self-realization, and many of the freedoms we now enjoy would not be possible on a large scale without technology. Borgmann, however, argues that modern technology in itself does not provide a whole and meaningful life. In fact, technological conditions are often detrimental to the good life. Integrity in life, according to him, is to be sought among things and practices that evade technoscientific objectification and commodification. Larry Hickman s Deweyan philosophy of technology is the third approach under scrutiny. Central in Hickman s thinking is a broad definition of technology that is nearly equal to Deweyan inquiry. Inquiry refers to the reflective and experiential way humans adapt to their environment by modifying their habits and beliefs. In Hickman s work, technology consists of all kinds of activities that through experimentation and/or reflection aim at improving human techniques and habits. Thus, in addition to research and development, many arts and political reforms are technological for Hickman. He argues for recasting such distinctions as fact/value, poiesis/praxis/theoria, and individual/society. Finally, Hickman does not admit a categorical difference between ethics and technology: moral values and norms need to be submitted to experiential inquiry as well as all the other notions. This study mainly argues for an interdisciplinary approach to the ethics of technology. This approach should make use of the potentialities of the research traditions in applied ethics, the philosophy of technology, and the social studies on science and technology and attempt to overcome their limitations. This study also advocates an endorsement of mid-level ethics that concentrate on the practices, institutions, and policies of temporal human life. Mid-level describes the realm between the instantaneous and individualistic micro-level and the universal and global macro level.

Democracy, Participation, and Deliberation in China : The discussion about democratic centralism in the official Chinese press, 1978-1981

This study examines the Chinese press discussion about democratic centralism in 1978-1981 in newspapers, political journals and academic journals distributed nationwide. It is thus a study of intellectual trends during the Hua Guofeng period and of methods, strategies, and techniques of public political discussion of the time. In addition, this study presents democratic centralism as a comprehensive theory of democracy and evaluates this theory. It compares the Chinese theory of democratic centralism with Western traditions of democracy, not only with the standard liberal theory but also with traditions of participatory and deliberative democracy, in order to evaluate whether the Chinese theory of democratic centralism forms a legitimate theory of democracy. It shows that the Chinese theory comes close to participatory types of democracy and shares a conception of democracy as communication with the theory of deliberative democracy. Therefore, the Chinese experience provides some empirical evidence of the practicability of these traditions of democracy. Simultaneously, this study uses experiences of participatory democracies outside of China to explain some earlier findings about the Chinese practices. This dissertation also compares Chinese theory with some common Western theories and models of Chinese society as well as with Western understandings of Chinese political processes. It thus aims at opening more dialogue between Chinese and Western political theories and understandings about Chinese polity. This study belongs to scholarly traditions of the history of ideas, political philosophy, comparative politics, and China studies. The main finding of this study is that the Chinese theory of democratic centralism is essentially a theory about democracy, but whether its scrupulous practicing alone would be sufficient for making a country a democracy depends on which established definition of democracy one applies and on what kind of democratic deficits are seen as being acceptable within a truly democratic system. Nevertheless, since the Chinese theory of democratic centralism fits well with some established definitions of democracy and since democratic deficits are a reality in all actual democracies, the Chinese themselves are talking about democracy in terms acceptable to Western political philosophy as well.

Adenoviral Gene Therapy for Advanced Head and Neck Cancer

Advanced stage head and neck cancers (HNC) with distant metastasis, as well as prostate cancers (PC), are devastating diseases currently lacking efficient treatment options. One promising developmental approach in cancer treatment is the use of oncolytic adenoviruses, especially in combination therapy with conventional cancer therapies. The safety of the approach has been tested in many clinical trials. However, antitumor efficacy needs to be improved in order to establish oncolytic viruses as a viable treatment alternative. To be able to test in vivo the effects on anti-tumor efficiency of a multimodal combination therapy of oncolytic adenoviruses with the standard therapeutic combination of radiotherapy, chemotherapy and Cetuximab monoclonal antibody (mAb), a xenograft HNC tumor model was developed. This model mimics the typical clinical situation as it is initially sensitive to cetuximab, but resistance develops eventually. Surprisingly, but in agreement with recent findings for chemotherapy and radiotherapy, a higher proportion of cells positive for HNC cancer stem cell markers were found in the tumors refractory to cetuximab. In vitro as well as in vivo results found in this study support the multimodal combination therapy of oncolytic adenoviruses with chemotherapy, radiotherapy and monoclonal antibody therapy to achieve increased anti-tumor efficiency and even complete tumor eradication with lower treatment doses required. In this study, it was found that capsid modified oncolytic viruses have increased gene transfer to cancer cells as well as an increased antitumor effect. In order to elucidate the mechanism of how oncolytic viruses promote radiosensitization of tumor cells in vivo, replicative deficient viruses expressing several promising radiosensitizing viral proteins were tested. The results of this study indicated that oncolytic adenoviruses promote radiosensitization by delaying the repair of DNA double strand breaks in tumor cells. Based on the promising data of the first study, two tumor double-targeted oncolytic adenoviruses armed with the fusion suicide gene FCU1 or with a fully human mAb specific for human Cytotoxic T Lymphocyte-Associated Antigen 4 (CTLA-4) were produced. FCU1 encodes a bifunctional fusion protein that efficiently catalyzes the direct conversion of 5-FC, a relatively nontoxic antifungal agent, into the toxic metabolites 5-fluorouracil and 5-fluorouridine monophosphate, bypassing the natural resistance of certain human tumor cells to 5-fluorouracil. Anti-CTLA4 mAb promotes direct killing of tumor cells via apoptosis and most importantly immune system activation against the tumors. These armed oncolytic viruses present increased anti-tumor efficacy both in vitro and in vivo. Furthermore, by taking advantage of the unique tumor targeted gene transfer of oncolytic adenoviruses, functional high tumor titers but low systemic concentrations of the armed proteins were generated. In addition, supernatants of tumor cells infected with Ad5/3-24aCTLA4, which contain anti-CTLA4 mAb, were able to effectively immunomodulate peripheral blood mononuclear cells (PBMC) of cancer patients with advanced tumors. -- In conclusion, the results presented in this thesis suggest that genetically engineered oncolytic adenoviruses have great potential in the treatment of advanced and metastatic HNC and PC.

Primary polyestradiol phosphate versus orchiectomy for advanced prostate cancer : Studies on the efficacy, cardiovascular complications and prognostic factors

Paikallisesti levinnyttä (T3-4 M0) ja luustoon levinnyttä (T1-4 M1) eturauhassyöpää sairastaneet potilaat satunnaistettiin kirurgiseen kastraatioon (orkiektomia) tai lääkkeelliseen kastraatioon lihaksensisäisellä polyestradiolifosfaatilla (PEP) annoksella 240 mg/kk. Verrattiin hoitojen kliinistä tehoa sekä sydän- ja verisuonikomplikaatioita (SV-komplikaatioita). Verrattiin myös hoitoa edeltäviä plasman testosteroni (T) ja estradioli (E2) pitoisuuksia T3-4 M0 ja T1-4 M1 potilaiden välillä sekä selvitettiin potilaiden yleistilan vaikutusta näihin hormonitasoihin. Lopuksi luotiin T1-4 M1 potilaille eturauhassyövän aiheuttaman kuoleman ennusteellinen riskiluokittelu kolmeen riskiryhmään käyttämällä hoitoa edeltäviä ennustetekijöitä. Kliinisessä tehossa ei orkiektomian ja PEP-hoidon välillä todettu tilastollisesti merkitsevää eroa. Odotetusti T1-4 M1 potilaiden ennuste oli huonompi kuin T3-4 M0 potilaiden. T1-4 M1 potilailla ei ollut SV-kuolemissa hoitoryhmien välillä tilastollista eroa, mutta ei-tappavia SV-komplikaatioita oli PEP ryhmässä (5.9%) enemmän kuin orkiektomia ryhmässä (2.0%). T3-4 M0 potilailla PEP-hoitoon liittyi tilastollisesti merkitsevä SV-kuolleisuus riski orkiektomiaan verrattuna (p = 0.001). PEP ryhmässä 67% kuolemista oli akuutteja sydäninfarkteja. Tämä PEP hoitoon liittyvä sydäninfarktiriski (mukaan lukien myös ei-tappavat sydäninfarktit) oli merkitsevästi pienempi potilailla, joiden hoitoa edeltävä E2 taso oli vähintään 93 pmol/l (p = 0.022). E2 taso oli merkitsevästi matalampi T1-4 M1 potilailla (74.7 pmol/l) kuin T3-4 M0 potilailla (87.9 pmol/l), mutta vastaavaa eroa ei ollut T tasoissa. Sekä T3-4 M0 että T1-4 M1 potilailla yleistilan lasku osittain selitti yksilöllisen T ja E2 tasojen laskun. Eturauhassyövän aiheuttaman kuoleman riskiryhmäluokittelu (Rg) kolmeen ryhmään luotiin käyttämällä alkalista fosfataasia (AFOS), prostata spesifistä antigeenia (PSA), laskoa (La) ja potilaan ikää. Yksi riskipiste annettiin, jos AFOS > 180 U/l (tällä hetkellä käytössä olevalla menetelmällä AFOS > 83 U/l), PSA > 35 µg/l, La > 80 mm/h ja ikä < 60 vuotta. Lopuksi pisteet laskettiin yhteen. Muodostettiin seuraavat ryhmät: Rg-a (0 -1 riskipistettä), Rg-b (2 riskipistettä) ja Rg-c (3 – 4 riskipistettä). Eturauhassyövän aiheuttama kuoleman riski lisääntyi merkitsevästi siirryttäessä riskiryhmästä seuraavaan (p < 0.001). Rg-luokittelu oli kliinisesti käytännöllinen ja hyvä havaitsemaan huonon ennusteen potilaat.

Local Politicizations : A Comparison of Finns and French Practicing Democracy

This study examines how do the processes of politicization differ in the Finnish and the French local contexts, and what kinds of consequences do these processes have on the local civic practices, the definitions and redefinitions of democracy and citizenship, the dynamics of power and resistance, and the ways of solving controversies in the public sphere. By means of comparative anthropology of the state , focusing on how democracy actually is practiced in different contexts, politicizations the processes of opening political arenas and recognizing controversy are analyzed. The focus of the study is on local activists engaged in different struggles on various levels of the local public spheres, and local politicians and civil servants participating in these struggles from their respective positions, in two middle-size European cities, Helsinki and Lyon. The empirical analyses of the book compare different political actors and levels of practicing democracy simultaneously. The study is empirically based on four different bodies of material: Ethnographic notes taken during a fieldwork among the activities of several local activist groups; 47 interviews of local activists and politicians; images representing different levels of public portrayals from activist websites (Helsinki N=274, Lyon N=232) and from city information magazines (Helsinki-info N=208, Lyon Citoyen N= 357); and finally, newspaper articles concerning local conflict issues, and reporting on the encounters between local citizens and representatives of the cities (January-June in 2005; Helsingin Sanomat N=96 and Le Progrès N= 102). The study makes three distinctive contributions to the study of current democratic societies: (1) a conceptual one by bringing politicization at the center of a comparison of political cultures, and by considering in parallel the ethnographic group styles theory by Nina Eliasoph and Paul Lichterman, the theory on counter-democracy by Pierre Rosanvallon and the pragmatist justification theory by Luc Boltanski and Laurent Thévenot; (2) an empirical one through the triangulation of ethnographic, thematic interview, visual, and newspaper data through which the different aspects of democratic practices are examined; and (3) a methodological one by developing new ways of analyzing comparative cases an application of Frame Analysis to visual material and the creation of Public Justification Analysis for analyzing morally loaded claims in newspaper reports thus building bridges between cultural, political, and pragmatic sociology. The results of the study indicate that the cultural tools the Finnish civic actors had at their disposal were prone to hinder more than support politicization, whereas the tools the French actors mainly relied on were frequently apt for making politicization possible. This crystallization is defined and detailed in many ways in the analyses of the book. Its consequences to the understanding and future research on the current developments of democracy are multiple, as politicization, while not assuring good results as such, is central to a functioning and vibrant democracy in which injustices can be fixed and new directions and solutions sought collectively.

Rethinking Media Pluralism : A Critique of Theories and Policy Discourses

This study examines different ways in which the concept of media pluralism has been theorized and used in contemporary media policy debates. Access to a broad range of different political views and cultural expressions is often regarded as a self-evident value in both theoretical and political debates on media and democracy. Opinions on the meaning and nature of media pluralism as a theoretical, political or empirical concept, however, are many, and it can easily be adjusted to different political purposes. The study aims to analyse the ambiguities surrounding the concept of media pluralism in two ways: by deconstructing its normative roots from the perspective of democratic theory, and by examining its different uses, definitions and underlying rationalities in current European media policy debates. The first part of the study examines the values and assumptions behind the notion of media pluralism in the context of different theories of democracy and the public sphere. The second part then analyses and assesses the deployment of the concept in contemporary European policy debates on media ownership and public service media. Finally, the study critically evaluates various attempts to create empirical indicators for measuring media pluralism and discusses their normative implications and underlying rationalities. The analysis of contemporary policy debates indicates that the notion of media pluralism has been too readily reduced to an empty catchphrase or conflated with consumer choice and market competition. In this narrow technocratic logic, pluralism is often unreflectively associated with quantitative data in a way that leaves unexamined key questions about social and political values, democracy, and citizenship. The basic argument advanced in the study is that media pluralism needs to be rescued from its depoliticized uses and re-imagined more broadly as a normative value that refers to the distribution of communicative power in the public sphere. Instead of something that could simply be measured through the number of media outlets available, the study argues that media pluralism should be understood in terms of its ability to challenge inequalities in communicative power and create a more democratic public sphere.