Community, Power, and Colonialism: The U.S. Army in Southern Arizona and New Mexico, 1866-1886

Empire is central to U.S. history. When we see the U.S. projecting its influence on a global scale in today s world it is important to understand that U.S. empire has a long history. This dissertation offers a case study of colonialism and U.S. empire by discussing the social worlds, labor regimes, and culture of the U.S. Army during the conquest of southern Arizona and New Mexico (1866-1886). It highlights some of the defining principles, mentalities, and characteristics of U.S. imperialism and shows how U.S. forces have in years past constructed their power and represented themselves, their missions, and the places and peoples that faced U.S. imperialism/colonialism. Using insights from postcolonial studies and whiteness studies, this work balances its attention between discursive representations (army stories) and social experience (army actions), pays attention to silences in the process of historical production, and focuses on collective group mentalities and identities. In the end the army experience reveals an empire in denial constructed on the rule of difference and marked by frustration. White officers, their wives, and the white enlisted men not only wanted the monopoly of violence for the U.S. regime but also colonial (mental/cultural) authority and power, and constructed their identity, authority, and power in discourse and in the social contexts of the everyday through difference. Engaged in warfare against the Apaches, they did not recognize their actions as harmful or acknowledge the U.S. invasion as the bloody colonial conquest it was. White army personnel painted themselves and the army as liberators, represented colonial peoples as racial inferiors, approached colonial terrain in terms of struggle, and claimed that the region was a terrible periphery with little value before the arrival of white civilization. Officers and wives also wanted to place themselves at the top of colonial hierarchies as the refined and respectable class who led the regeneration of the colony by example: they tried to turn army villages into islands of civilization and made journeys, leisure, and domestic life to showcase their class sensibilities and level of sophistication. Often, however, their efforts failed, resulting in frustration and bitterness. Many blamed the colony and its peoples for their failures. The army itself was divided by race and class. All soldiers were treated as laborers unfit for self-government. White enlisted men, frustrated by their failures in colonial warfare and by constant manual labor, constructed worlds of resistance, whereas indigenous soldiers sought to negotiate the effects of colonialism by working in the army. As colonized labor their position was defined by tension between integration and exclusion and between freedom and colonial control.

Koko talo soi : Klemetti-Opisto suomalaisen musiikkikulttuurin kehittäjänä 1953-1968

This study aims to examine the operations and significance of the Klemetti Institute (Klemetti-Opisto) as a developer of Finnish music culture from 1953 to 1968 during the term of office of the Institute s founder and first director, Arvo Vainio. The Klemetti Institute was originally established as a choir institute, but soon expanded to offer a wide range of music courses. In addition to providing courses for choir leaders and singers, the Institute began its orchestral activities as early as the mid-1950s. Other courses included ear training seminars as well as courses for young people s music instructors and in playing the kantele (a Finnish string instrument) and solo singing. More than 20 types of courses were offered over the 16-year period. The Klemetti Institute s courses were incorporated into the folk high school courses offered by the Orivesi Institute (Oriveden Opisto) and were organised during the summer months of June and July. In addition to funding based on the Folk High School Act, financial assistance was obtained from various foundations and funds, such as the Wihuri Foundation. This study is linked to the context of historical research. I examine the Klemetti Institute s operations chronologically, classifying instruction into different course types, and analyse concert activities primarily in the section on the Institute s student union. The source material includes the Klemetti Institute archives, which consist of Arvo Vainio s correspondence, student applications, register books and cards, journals and student lists, course albums and nearly all issues of the Klemettiläinen bulletin. In addition, I have used focused interviews and essays to obtain extensive data from students and teachers. I concentrate on primary school teachers, who accounted for the majority of course participants. A total of more than 2,300 people participated in the courses, nearly half of whom took courses during at least two summers. Primary school teachers accounted for 50% to 70% of the participants in most courses and constituted an even larger share of participants in some courses, such as the music instructor course. The Klemetti Institute contributed to the expansion throughout Finland of a new ideal for choral tone. This involved delicate singing which strives for tonal purity and expressiveness. Chamber choirs had been virtually unheard of in Finland, but the Klemetti Institute Chamber Choir popularised them. Chamber choirs are characterised by an extensive singing repertoire ranging from the Middle Ages to the present. As the name suggests, chamber choirs were originally rather small mixed choirs. Delicate singing meant the avoidance of extensive vibrato techniques and strong, heavy forte sounds, which had previously been typical of Finnish choirs. Those opposing and shunning this new manner of singing called it ghost singing . The Klemetti Institute s teachers included Finland s most prominent pedagogues and artists. As the focused essays, or reminiscences as I call them, show, their significance for the students was central. I examine extensively the Klemetti Institute s enthusiastic atmosphere, which during the early years was characterised by what some writers described as a hunger for music . In addition to distributing a new tonal ideal and choir repertoire, the Klemetti Institute also distributed new methods of music education, thus affecting the music teaching of Finnish primary schools, in particular. The Orff approach, which included various instruments, became well known, although some of Orff s ideas, such as improvisation and physical exercise, were initially unfamiliar. More important than the Orff approach was the in-depth teaching at the Klemetti Institute of the Hungarian ear training method known as the Kodály method. Many course participants were among those launching specialist music classes in schools, and the method became the foundation for music teaching in many such schools. The Klemetti Institute was also a pioneer in organising orchestra camps for young people. The Klemetti Institute promoted Finnish music culture and played an important role in the continuing music education of primary school teachers. Keywords: adult education, Grundtvigian philosophy, popular enlightenment, Klemetti Institute, Kodály method, choir singing, choir conducting, music history, music education, music culture, music camp, Orff approach, Orff-Schulwerk, Orivesi Institute, instrument teaching, free popular education, communality, solo singing, voice production

NORDEK : A Plan for Increased Nordic Economic Co-operation and Integration 1968-1970

For the first time the attempt of Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden to increase Nordic economic co-operation and integration (NORDEK 1968-1970) is analysed by using records from the four governments archives and interviews with central actors participating. A dominating argument has until now been that dynamics in Nordic economic integration is different from dynamics in European integration. This archive based study disproves the myth however of ideological Nordism and of short term political developments outside Norden as most important for the NORDEK initiative. The NORDEK initiative was actually more a consequence of a long term socioeconomic and socio-political path dependant process. The study also disproves the myth that the NORDEK plan was a political and ideological symbol without socioeconomic substance. The purpose with NORDEK was to create a better basis for generating economic growth and social welfare. The proposed NORDEK institutions were therefore developed to promote economic progress. The study finally shows that the NORDEK failure in 1970 was not a result of lacking economic rationale or incompatible economic interests. The failure was a result of a power struggle in Finnish domestic policy and lacking political will in the other Nordic countries to continue without Finland.

Construing and Defining the Out of Control : Addiction in the Media 1968-2008.

The four scientific articles comprising this doctoral dissertation offer new information on the presentation and construction of addiction in the mass media during the period 1968 - 2008. Diachronic surveys as well as quantitative and qualitative content analyses were undertaken to discern trends during the period in question and to investigate underlying conceptions of the problems in contemporary media presentations. The research material for the first three articles consists of a sample of 200 texts from Finland s biggest daily newspaper, Helsingin Sanomat, from the period 1968 - 2006. The fourth study examines English-language tabloid material published on the Internet in 2005 - 2008. A number of principal trends are identified. In addition to a significant increase in addiction reporting over time, the study shows that an internalisation of addiction problems took place in the media presentations under study. The phenomenon is portrayed and tackled from within the problems themselves, often from the viewpoint of the individuals concerned. The tone becomes more personal, and technical and detailed accounts are more and more frequent. Secondly, the concept of addiction is broadened. This can be dated to the 1990s. The concept undergoes a conventionalisation: it is used more frequently in a manner that is not thought to require explanation. The word riippuvuus (the closest equivalent to addiction in Finnish) was adopted more commonly in the reporting at the same time, in the 1990s. Thirdly, the results highlight individual self-governance as a superordinate principle in contemporary descriptions of addiction. If the principal demarcation in earlier texts was between us and them , it is now focused primarily on the individual s competence and ability to govern the self, to restrain and master one's behaviour. Finally, in the fourth study investigating textual constructions of female celebrities (Amy Winehouse, Britney Spears and Kate Moss) in Internet tabloids, various relations and functions of addiction problems, intoxication, body and gender were observed to function as cultural symbols. Addiction becomes a sign, or a style, that represents different significations in relation to the main characters in the tabloid stories. Tabloids, as a genre, play an important role by introducing other images of the problems than those featured in mainstream media. The study is positioned within the framework of modernity theory and its views on the need for self-reflexivity and biographies as tools for the creation and definition of the self. Traditional institutions such as the church, occupation, family etc. no longer play an important role in self-definition. This circumstance creates a need for a culture conveying stories of success and failure in relation to which the individual can position their own behaviour and life content. I propose that addiction , as a theme in media reporting, resolves the conflict that emanates from the ambivalence between the accessibility and the individualisation of consumer society, on the one hand, and the problematic behavioural patterns (addictions) that they may induce, on the other.

Phytoplankton succession from 1968 to 1990 in the subarctic Lokka reservoir

Tiivistelmä: Kasviplanktonin kehitys vuosina 1968-1990 subarktisessa Lokan tekoaltaassa

Silva Fennica Vol. 2. 1968.

Julkaistu Silva Fennica Vol. 3(1) -numeron liitteenä.

Rätt som argument : Leo Mechelin och finska frågan 1886-1912

Right as an Argument. Leo Mechelin and the Finnish Question 1886-1912 At the turn of the 20th century the Finnish Question rose up as a political and juridical issue at the international arena. The vaguely précised position of Finland in the Russian empire led to diverse conclusions concerning the correctness of the February manifesto of 1899. It was predominantly among a European elite of politicians, cultural workers and academics the issue rose some interest. Finns were active making propaganda for their cause, and they put an emphasis on the claim that the right was on the Finnish side. In the study Elisabeth Stubb compare the Finnish, Russian and European statements about the Finnish Question and analyse their use of right as an argument. The Finnish Question offers at the same time a case study of a national entity which possesses a political sphere of life but is not fully independent, and its possibilities to drive its interests in an international context. Leo Mechelin (1839-1914), the leader of the Finnish propaganda organization abroad, is used as a point of departure. The biographical stance is formed into a triangle, where Leo Mechelin, the idea of right and the Finnish Question abroad are the three cornerstones. The treatment of one cornerstone sheds a ligth on the two others. The metaphor of triangulation also worked as a method to reach "a third stance" in a scinetific and political issue that usually is polarised into two opposite alternatives. An adherence to a strict legal right could not in the end offer a complete, unquestionable and satisfactory solution to the Finnsih Question, it was dependent on "the right of state wisdom and sound insight". The Finnish propaganda abroad used almost completely alternative ways of making politics. The propaganda did not have a decisive effect on countries' official politics, but gained unofficial support, especially in the public opinion and in academic statements. Mechelin claimed that the political field was dependent on public opinion and scientific research. Together with the official politics these two fields formed a triangle that shared the task of balancing the political arena and preventing it from making unwise decisions of taking an unjust turn. The international sphere worked as a balancing part in the Finnish Question. Mechelin tried by claiming the status of state for Finland's part to secure the country a place at the official international arena. At the same time, and especially when the claim was not fully adopted, he emphasised, and in a European context worked for, that right would become the guiding light not only for international relations, but also for the policy making in the inner life of the state.