17 resultados para Reaching movement

em Helda - Digital Repository of University of Helsinki


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This thesis examines posting of workers within the free movement of services in the European Union. The emphasis is on the case law of the European Court of Justice and in the role it has played in the liberalisation of the service sector in respect of posting of workers. The case law is examined from two different viewpoints: firstly, that of employment law and secondly, immigration law. The aim is to find out how active a role the Court has taken with regard these two fields of law and what are the implications of the Court’s judgments for the regulation on a national level. The first part of the thesis provides a general review of the Community law principles governing the freedom to provide services in the EU. The second part presents the Posted Workers’ Directive and the case law of the European Court of Justice before and after the enactment of the Directive from the viewpoint of employment law. Special attention is paid to a recent judgment in which the Court has taken a restrictive position with regard to a trade union’s right to take collective action against a service provider established in another Member State. The third part of the thesis concentrates, firstly, on the legal status of non-EU nationals lawfully resident in the EU. Secondly, it looks into the question of how the Court’s case law has affected the possibilities to use non-EU nationals as posted workers within the freedom to provide services. The final chapter includes a critical analysis of the Court’s case law on posted workers. The judgments of the European Court of Justice are the principal source of law for this thesis. In the primary legislation the focus is on Articles 49 EC and 50 EC that lay down the rules concerning the free movement of services. Within the secondary legislation, the present work principally concentrates on the Posted Workers’ Directive. It also examines proposals of the European Commission and directives that have been adopted in the field of immigration. The conclusions of the case study are twofold: while in the field of employment law, the European Court of Justice has based its judgments on a very literal interpretation of the Posted Workers’ Directive, in the field of immigration its conclusions have been much more innovative. In both fields of regulation the Court’s judgments have far-reaching implications for the rules concerning posting of workers leaving very little discretion for the Member States’ authorities.

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The main focus of this research was to describe the educational purpose of Christian schools within their operation culture. The Christian schools founded in Finland can be seen as part of a greater movement in Europe. In this research the dialogue and encounter in the educational scheme of Finnish Christian schools were examined by asking three research questions: 1. What is the nature of the dialogue in education in Finnish Christian schools? 2. How do the teachers describe themselves as educators? 3. What are the special characteristics in the operation culture of a Christian school? The educational relationship was regarded as fundamental and in the background reflected the absolute value of each student. Communication skills were viewed as essential in the building of relationships, which also included emotion communication skills as a broader view. The teachers expressed their comprehension of the meaning of the dialogue in the building of a relationship with practical examples. Students learned to understand one another's experiences by discussion and listening to one another. The values that created a connection were mutual appreciation, honesty, taking the other one into account, and the ability for empathy. Caring was regarded as a relationship between people, as well as a genuine mutual encounter, in which all parties would listen to one another and be heard by others. The respondents thought that individual attention and time were the keys to reaching well-being and an encounter. Students' commitment to the community was supported by mutual agreements, identifying with the common world, and encounters. The appearance of Christian love agape was named as the basis for an educational relationship. The answers emphasised shared everyday life at school. According to the teachers, the willingness for personal growth enabled encounters, although growth as such was often regarded as difficult. Cognitive emphasising and emotional experiencing from a dynamic perspective, were the means by which students' ethical understanding was comprehended. The teachers named three key factors to create a confidential relationship: a respectful attitude, courage, and genuineness. Within the school operational environment, a sense of community was emphasised, in which each student was taken into account individually. The active role of parents was an essential part of the school culture. The administration of the schools appeared committed. The additional pressure in school work came from efforts to ensure the official status of the school, as well as the large amount of administrative work involved in a private school. According to the research data, there was no evidence to support any elitism that is often associated with private schools.

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Sindbis virus (SINV) (genus Alphavirus, family Togaviridae) is an enveloped virus with a genome of single-stranded, positive-polarity RNA of 11.7 kilobases. SINV is widespread in Eurasia, Africa, and Australia, but clinical infection only occurs in a few geographically restricted areas, mainly in Northern Europe. In Europe, antibodies to SINV were detected from patients with fever, rash, and arthritis for the first time in the early 1980s in Finland. It became evident that the causative agent of this syndrome, named Pogosta disease, was closely related to SINV. The disease is also found in Sweden (Ockelbo disease) and in Russia (Karelian fever). Since 1974, for unknown reason, the disease has occurred as large outbreaks every seven years in Finland. This study is to a large degree based on the material collected during the 2002 Pogosta disease outbreak in Finland. We first developed SINV IgM and IgG enzyme immunoassays (EIA), based on highly purified SINV, to be used in serodiagnostics. The EIAs correlated well with the hemagglutination inhibition (HI) test, and all individuals showed neutralizing antibodies. The sensitivities of the IgM and IgG EIAs were 97.6% and 100%, and specificities 95.2% and 97.6%, respectively. E1 and E2 envelope glycoproteins of SINV were shown to be recognized by IgM and IgG in the immunoblot early in infection. We isolated SINV from five patients with acute Pogosta disease; one virus strain was recovered from whole blood, and four other strains from skin lesions. The etiology of Pogosta disease was confirmed by these first Finnish SINV strains, also representing the first human SINV isolates from Europe. Phylogenetic analysis indicated that the Finnish SINV strains clustered with the strains previously isolated from mosquitoes in Sweden and Russia, and seemed to have a common ancestor with South-African strains. Northern European SINV strains could be maintained locally in disease-endemic regions, but the phylogenetic analysis also suggests that redistribution of SINV tends to occur in a longitudinal direction, possibly with migratory birds. We searched for SINV antibodies in resident grouse (N=621), whose population crashes have previously coincided with human SINV outbreaks, and in migratory birds (N=836). SINV HI antibodies were found for the first time in birds during their spring migration to Northern Europe, from three individuals: red-backed shrike, robin, and song thrush. Of the grouse, 27.4% were seropositive in 2003, one year after a human outbreak, but only 1.4% of the grouse were seropositive in 2004. Thus, grouse might contribute to the human epidemiology of SINV. A total of 86 patients with verified SINV infection were recruited to the study in 2002. SINV RNA detection or virus isolation from blood and/or skin lesions was successful in eight patients. IgM antibodies became detectable within the first eight days of illness, and IgG within 11 days. The acute phase of Pogosta disease was characterized by arthritis, itching rash, fatigue, mild fever, headache, and muscle pain. Half of the patients reported in self-administered questionnaires joint symptoms to last > 12 months. Physical examination in 49 of these patients three years after infection revealed persistent joint manifestations. Arthritis (swelling and tenderness in physical examination) was diagnosed in 4.1% (2/49) of the patients. Tenderness in palpation or in movement of a joint was found in 14.3% of the patients in the rheumatologic examination, and additional 10.2% complained persisting arthralgia at the interview. Thus, 24.5% of the patients had joint manifestations attributable to the infection three years earlier. A positive IgM antibody response persisted in 3/49 of the patients; both two patients with arthritis were in this group. Persistent symptoms of SINV infection might have considerable public health implications in areas with high seroprevalence. The age-standardized seroprevalence of SINV (1999-2003, N=2529) in the human population in Finland was 5.2%. The seroprevalence was high in North Karelia, Kainuu, and Central Ostrobothnia. The incidence was highest in North Karelia. Seroprevalence in men (6.0%) was significantly higher than in women (4.1%), however, the average annualized incidence in the non-epidemic years was higher in women than in men, possibly indicating that infected men are more frequently asymptomatic. The seroprevalence increased with age, reaching 15.4% in persons aged 60-69 years. The incidence was highest in persons aged 50-59 years.

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The particles of Potato virus A (PVA; genus Potyvirus) are helically constructed filaments that contain multiple copies of a single type of coat-protein (CP) subunit and a single copy of genome-linked protein (VPg), attached to one end of the virion. Examination of negatively-stained virions by electron microscopy revealed flexuous, rod-shaped particles with no obvious terminal structures. It is known that particles of several filamentous plant viruses incorporate additional minor protein components, forming stable complexes that mediate particle disassembly, movement or transmission by insect vectors. The first objective of this work was to study the interaction of PVA movement-associated proteins with virus particles and how these interactions contribute to the morphology and function of the virus particles. Purified particles of PVA were examined by atomic force microscopy (AFM) and immuno-gold electron microscopy. A protrusion was found at one end of some of the potyvirus particles, associated with the 5' end of the viral RNA. The tip contained two virus-encoded proteins, the genome-linked protein (VPg) and the helper-component proteinase (HC-Pro). Both are required for cell-to-cell movement of the virus. Biochemical and electron microscopy studies of purified PVA samples also revealed the presence of another protein required for cell-to-cell movement the cylindrical inclusion protein (CI), which is also an RNA helicase/ATPase. Centrifugation through a 5-40% sucrose gradient separated virus particles with no detectable CI to a fraction that remained in the gradient, from the CI-associated particles that went to the pellet. Both types of particles were infectious. AFM and translation experiments demonstrated that when the viral CI was not present in the sample, PVA virions had a beads-on-a-string phenotype, and RNA within the virus particles was more accessible to translation. The second objective of this work was to study phosphorylation of PVA movement-associated and structural proteins (CP and VPg) in vitro and, if possible, in vivo. PVA virion structural protein CP is necessary for virus cell-to-cell movement. The tobacco protein kinase CK2 was identified as a kinase phosphorylating PVA CP. A major site of CK2 phosphorylation in PVA CP was identified as a single threonine within a CK2 consensus sequence. Amino acid substitutions affecting the CK2 consensus sequence in CP resulted in viruses that were defective in cell-to-cell and long-distance movement. The CK2 regulation of virion assembly and cell-to-cell movement by phosphorylation of CP was possibly due to the inhibition of CP binding to viral RNA. Four putative phosphorylation sites were identified from an in vitro phosphorylated recombinant VPg. All four were mutated and the spread of mutant viruses in two different host plants was studied. Two putative phosphorylation site mutants (Thr45 and Thr49) had phenotypes identical to that of a wild type (WT) virus infection in both Nicotiana benthamiana and N. tabacum plants. The other two mutant viruses (Thr132/Ser133 and Thr168) showed different phenotypes with increased or decreased accumulation rates, respectively, in inoculated and the first two systemically infected leaves of N. benthamiana. The same mutants were occasionally restricted to single cells in N. tabacum plants, suggesting the importance of these amino acids in the PVA infection cycle in N. tabacum.

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The Politics of Pulp Investment and the Brazilian Landless Movement (MST) The paper industry has been moving more heavily to the global South at the beginning of the 21st century. In a number of cases the rural populations of the global South have engaged in increasingly important resistance in their scuffle with the large-scale tree plantation-relying pulp investment model. The resistance had generally not yet managed to slow down Southern industrial tree plantation expansion until 2004. After all, even the MST, perhaps the strongest of the Southern movements, has limited power in comparison to the corporations pushing for plantation expansion. This thesis shows how, even against these odds, depending on the mechanisms of contention and case-specific conflict dynamics, in some cases the movements have managed to slow and even reverse plantation expansion. The thesis is based on extensive field research in the Brazilian countryside. It outlines a new theory of contentious agency promotion, emphasizing its importance in the shaping of corporate resource exploitation. The thesis includes a Qualitative Comparative Analysis of resistance influence on the economic outcomes of all (14) Brazilian large-scale pulp projects between 2004-2008. The central hypothesis of the thesis is that corporate resource exploitation can be slowed down more effectively and likely when the resistance is based on contentious agency. Contentious agency is created by the concatenation of five mutually supporting mechanisms of contention: organizing and politicizing a social movement; heterodox framing of pulp projects; protesting; networking; and embedding whilst maintaining autonomy. The findings suggest that contentious agency can slow or even reverse the expansion of industrial plantations, whereas when contentious agency promotion was inactive, fast or even unchecked plantation expansion was always the outcome. The rule applied to all the assessed 14 pulp conflict cases. The hypothesis gained strong support even in situations where corporate agency promotion was simultaneously active. In previous studies on social movements, there has been a lack of contributions that help us understand the causal mechanisms of contention influencing economic outcomes. The thesis answers to the call by merging a Polanyian analysis of the political economy with the Dynamics of Contention research program and making a case for the impact of contentious agency on capital accumulation. The research concludes that an efficient social movement can utilize mechanisms of contention to promote the potential of activism among its members and influence investment outcomes. Protesting, for example via pioneering land occupations, seemed to be particularly important. Until now, there has been no comprehensive theory on when and how contentious agency can slow down or reverse the expansion of corporate resource exploitation. The original contribution of this research is to provide such a theory, and utilize it to offer an extensive explanation on the conflicts over pulp investment in Brazil, the globalization of the paper industry, and slowing of industrial plantation expansion in the global South.

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The prevalence and assessment of neuroleptic-induced movement disorders (NIMDs) in a naturalistic schizophrenia population that uses conventional neuroleptics were studied. We recruited 99 chronic schizophrenic institutionalized adult patients from a state nursing home in central Estonia. The total prevalence of NIMDs according to the diagnostic criteria of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 4th edition (DSM-IV) was 61.6%, and 22.2% had more than one NIMD. We explored the reliability and validity of different instruments for measuring these disorders. First, we compared DSM-IV with the established observer rating scales of Barnes Akathisia Rating Scale (BARS), Simpson-Angus Scale (SAS) (for neuroleptic-induced parkinsonism, NIP) and Abnormal Involuntary Movement Scale (AIMS) (for tardive dyskinesia), all three of which have been used for diagnosing NIMD. We found a good overlap of cases for neuroleptic-induced akathisia (NIA) and tardive dyskinesia (TD) but somewhat poorer overlap for NIP, for which we suggest raising the commonly used threshold value of 0.3 to 0.65. Second, we compared the established observer rating scales with an objective motor measurement, namely controlled rest lower limb activity measured by actometry. Actometry supported the validity of BARS and SAS, but it could not be used alone in this naturalistic population with several co-existing NIMDs. It could not differentiate the disorders from each other. Quantitative actometry may be useful in measuring changes in NIA and NIP severity, in situations where the diagnosis has been made using another method. Third, after the relative failure of quantitative actometry to show diagnostic power in a naturalistic population, we explored descriptive ways of analysing actometric data, and demonstrated diagnostic power pooled NIA and pseudoakathisia (PsA) in our population. A subjective question concerning movement problems was able to discriminate NIA patients from all other subjects. Answers to this question were not selective for other NIMDs. Chronic schizophrenia populations are common worldwide, NIMD affected two-thirds of our study population. Prevention, diagnosis and treatment of NIMDs warrant more attention, especially in countries where typical antipsychotics are frequently used. Our study supported the validity and reliability of DSM-IV diagnostic criteria for NIMD in comparison with established rating scales and actometry. SAS can be used with minor modifications for screening purposes. Controlled rest lower limb actometry was not diagnostically specific in our naturalistic population with several co-morbid NIMDs, but it may be sensitive in measuring changes in NIMDs.

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Several hypnosis monitoring systems based on the processed electroencephalogram (EEG) have been developed for use during general anesthesia. The assessment of the analgesic component (antinociception) of general anesthesia is an emerging field of research. This study investigated the interaction of hypnosis and antinociception, the association of several physiological variables with the degree of intraoperative nociception, and aspects of EEG Bispectral Index Scale (BIS) monitoring during general anesthesia. In addition, EEG features and heart rate (HR) responses during desflurane and sevoflurane anesthesia were compared. A propofol bolus of 0.7 mg/kg was more effective than an alfentanil bolus of 0.5 mg in preventing the recurrence of movement responses during uterine dilatation and curettage (D C) after a propofol-alfentanil induction, combined with nitrous oxide (N2O). HR and several HR variability-, frontal electromyography (fEMG)-, pulse plethysmography (PPG)-, and EEG-derived variables were associated with surgery-induced movement responses. Movers were discriminated from non-movers mostly by the post-stimulus values per se or normalized with respect to the pre-stimulus values. In logistic regression analysis, the best classification performance was achieved with the combination of normalized fEMG power and HR during D C (overall accuracy 81%, sensitivity 53%, specificity 95%), and with the combination of normalized fEMG-related response entropy, electrocardiography (ECG) R-to-R interval (RRI), and PPG dicrotic notch amplitude during sevoflurane anesthesia (overall accuracy 96%, sensitivity 90%, specificity 100%). ECG electrode impedances after alcohol swab skin pretreatment alone were higher than impedances of designated EEG electrodes. The BIS values registered with ECG electrodes were higher than those registered simultaneously with EEG electrodes. No significant difference in the time to home-readiness after isoflurane-N2O or sevoflurane-N2O anesthesia was found, when the administration of the volatile agent was guided by BIS monitoring. All other early and intermediate recovery parameters were also similar. Transient epileptiform EEG activity was detected in eight of 15 sevoflurane patients during a rapid increase in the inspired volatile concentration, and in none of the 16 desflurane patients. The observed transient EEG changes did not adversely affect the recovery of the patients. Following the rapid increase in the inhaled desflurane concentration, HR increased transiently, reaching its maximum in two minutes. In the sevoflurane group, the increase was slower and more subtle. In conclusion, desflurane may be a safer volatile agent than sevoflurane in patients with a lowered seizure threshold. The tachycardia induced by a rapid increase in the inspired desflurane concentration may present a risk for patients with heart disease. Designated EEG electrodes may be superior to ECG electrodes in EEG BIS monitoring. When the administration of isoflurane or sevoflurane is adjusted to maintain BIS values at 50-60 in healthy ambulatory surgery patients, the speed and quality of recovery are similar after both isoflurane-N2O and sevoflurane-N2O anesthesia. When anesthesia is maintained by the inhalation of N2O and bolus doses of propofol and alfentanil in healthy unparalyzed patients, movement responses may be best avoided by ensuring a relatively deep hypnotic level with propofol. HR/RRI, fEMG, and PPG dicrotic notch amplitude are potential indicators of nociception during anesthesia, but their performance needs to be validated in future studies. Combining information from different sources may improve the discrimination of the level of nociception.

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The evacuation of Finnish children to Sweden during WW II has often been called a small migration . Historical research on this subject is scarce, considering the great number of children involved. The present research has applied, apart from the traditional archive research, the framework of history-culture developed by Rüsen in order to have an all-inclusive approach to the impact of this historical event. The framework has three dimensions: political, aesthetic and cognitive. The collective memory of war children has also been discussed. The research looks for political factors involved in the evacuations during the Winter War and the Continuation War and the post-war period. The approach is wider than a purely humanitarian one. Political factors have had an impact in both Finland and Sweden, beginning from the decision-making process and ending with the discussion of the unexpected consequences of the evacuations in the Finnish Parliament in 1950. The Winter War (30.11.1939 13.3.1940) witnessed the first child transports. These were also the model for future decision making. The transports were begun on the initiative of Swedes Maja Sandler, the wife of the resigned minister of foreign affairs Rickard Sandler, and Hanna Rydh-Munck af Rosenschöld , but this activity was soon accepted by the Swedish government because the humanitarian help in the form of child transports lightened the political burden of Prime Minister Hansson, who was not willing to help Finland militarily. It was help that Finland never asked for and it was rejected at the beginning. The negative response of Minister Juho Koivisto was not taken very seriously. The political forces in Finland supporting child transports were stronger than those rejecting them. The major politicians in support belonged to Finland´s Swedish minority. In addition, close to 1 000 Finnish children remained in Sweden after the Winter War. No analysis was made of the reasons why these children did not return home. A committee set up to help Finland and Norway was established in Sweden in 1941. Its chairman was Torsten Nothin, an influential Swedish politician. In December 1941 he appealed to the Swedish government to provide help to Finnish children under the authority of The International Red Cross. This plea had no results. The delivery of great amounts of food to Finland, which was now at war with Great Britain, had automatically caused reactions among the allies against the Swedish imports through Gothenburg. This included the import of oil, which was essential for the Swedish navy and air force. Oil was later used successfully to force a reduction in commerce between Sweden and Finland. The contradiction between Sweden´s essential political interests and humanitarian help was solved in a way that did not harm the country´s vital political interests. Instead of delivering help to Finland, Finnish children were transported to Sweden through the organisations that had already been created. At the beginning of the Continuation War (25.6.1941 27.4.1945) negative opinion regarding child transports re-emerged in Finland. Karl-August Fagerholm implemented the transports in September 1941. In 1942, members of the conservative parties in the Finnish Parliament expressed their fear of losing the children to the Swedes. They suggested that Finland should withdraw from the inter-Nordic agreement, according to which the adoptions were approved by the court of the country where the child resided. This initiative failed. Paavo Virkkunen, an influential member of the conservative party Kokoomus in Finland, favoured the so-called good-father system, where help was delivered to Finland in the form of money and goods. Virkkunen was concerned about the consequences of a long stay in a Swedish family. The risk of losing the children was clear. The extreme conservative party (IKL, the Patriotic Movement of the Finnish People) wanted to alienate Finland from Sweden and bring Finland closer to Germany. Von Blücher, the German ambassador to Finland, had in his report to Berlin, mentioned the political consequences of the child transports. Among other things, they would bring Finland and Sweden closer to each other. He had also paid attention to the Nordic political orientation in Finland. He did not question or criticize the child transports. His main interest was to increase German political influence in Finland, and the Nordic political orientation was an obstacle. Fagerholm was politically ill-favoured by the Germans, because he had a strong Nordic political disposition and had criticised Germany´s activities in Norway. The criticism of child transports was at the same time criticism of Fagerholm. The official censorship organ of the Finnish government (VTL) denied the criticism of child transports in January 1942. The reasons were political. Statements made by members of the Finnish Parliament were also censored, because it was thought that they would offend the Swedes. In addition, the censorship organ used child transports as a means of active propaganda aimed at improving the relations between the two countries. The Finnish Parliament was informed in 1948 that about 15 000 Finnish children still remained in Sweden. These children would stay there permanently. In 1950 the members of the Agrarian Party in Finland stated that Finland should actively strive to get the children back. The party on the left (SKDL, the Democratic Movement of Finnish People) also focused on the unexpected consequences of the child transports. The Social Democrats, and largely Fagerholm, had been the main force in Finland behind the child transports. Members of the SKDL, controlled by Finland´s Communist Party, stated that the war time authorities were responsible for this war loss. Many of the Finnish parents could not get their children back despite repeated requests. The discussion of the problem became political, for example von Born, a member of the Swedish minority party RKP, related this problem to foreign policy by stating that the request to repatriate the Finnish children would have negative political consequences for the relations between Finland and Sweden. He emphasized expressing feelings of gratitude to the Swedes. After the war a new foreign policy was established by Prime Minister (1944 1946) and later President (1946 1956) Juho Kusti Paasikivi. The main cornerstone of this policy was to establish good relations with the Soviet Union. The other, often forgotten, cornerstone was to simultaneously establish good relations with other Nordic countries, especially Sweden, as a counterbalance. The unexpected results of the child evacuation, a Swedish initiative, had violated the good relations with Sweden. The motives of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People were much the same as those of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People. Only the ideology was different. The Nordic political orientation was an obstacle to both parties. The position of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People was much better than that of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People, because now one could clearly see the unexpected results, which included human tragedy for the many families who could not be re-united with their children despite their repeated requests. The Swedes questioned the figure given to the Finnish Parliament regarding the number of children permanently remaining in Sweden. This research agrees with the Swedes. In a calculation based on Swedish population registers, the number of these children is about 7 100. The reliability of this figure is increased by the fact that the child allowance programme began in Sweden in 1948. The prerequisite to have this allowance was that the child be in the Swedish population register. It was not necessary for the child to have Swedish nationality. The Finnish Parliament had false information about the number of Finnish children who remained in Sweden in 1942 and in 1950. There was no parliamentary control in Finland regarding child transports, because the decision was made by one cabinet member and speeches by MPs in the Finnish Parliament were censored, like all criticism regarding child transports to Sweden. In Great Britain parliamentary control worked better throughout the whole war, because the speeches regarding evacuation were not censored. At the beginning of the war certain members of the British Labour Party and the Welsh Nationalists were particularly outspoken about the scheme. Fagerholm does not discuss to any great extent the child transports in his memoirs. He does not evaluate the process and results as a whole. This research provides some possibilities for an evaluation of this sort. The Swedish medical reports give a clear picture of the physical condition of the Finnish children when arriving in Sweden. The transports actually revealed how bad the situation of the poorest children was. According to Titmuss, similar observations were made in Great Britain during the British evacuations. The child transports saved the lives of approximately 2 900 children. Most of these children were removed to Sweden to receive treatment for illnesses, but many among the healthy children were undernourished and some suffered from the effects of tuberculosis. The medical inspection in Finland was not thorough. If you compare the figure of 2 900 children saved and returned with the figure of about 7 100 children who remained permanently in Sweden, you may draw the conclusion that Finland as a country failed to benefit from the child transports, and that the whole operation was a political mistake with far-reaching consequenses. The basic goal of the operation was to save lives and have all the children return to Finland after the war. The difficulties with the repatriation of the children were mainly psychological. The level of child psychology in Finland at that time was low. One may question the report by Professor Martti Kaila regarding the adaptation of children to their families back in Finland. Anna Freud´s warnings concerning the difficulties that arise when child evacuees return are also valid in Finland. Freud viewed the emotional life of children in a way different from Kaila: the physical survival of a small child forces her to create strong emotional ties to the person who is looking after her. This, a characteristic of all small children, occurred with the Finnish children too, and it was something the political decision makers in Finland could not see during and after the war. It is a characteristic of all little children. Yet, such experiences were already evident during the Winter War. The best possible solution had been to limit the child transports only to children in need of medical treatment. Children from large and poor families had been helped by organising meals and by buying food from Denmark with Swedish money. Assisting Finland by all possible means should have been the basic goal of Fagerholm in September 1941, when the offer of child transports came from Sweden. Fagerholm felt gratitude towards the Swedes. The risks became clear to him only in 1943. The war children are today a rather scattered and diffuse group of people. Emotionally, part of these children remained in Sweden after the war. There is no clear collective memory, only individual memories; the collective memory of the war children has partly been shaped later through the activities of the war child associations. The main difference between the children evacuated in Finland (for example from Karelia to safer areas with their families) and the war children, who were sent abroad, is that the war children lack a shared story and experience with their families. They were outsiders . The whole matter is sensitive to many of such mothers and discussing the subject has often been avoided in families. The war-time censorship has continued in families through silence and avoidance and Finnish politicians and Finnish families had to face each other on this issue after the war. The lack of all-inclusive historical research has also prevented the formation of a collective awareness among war children returned to Finland or those remaining permanently abroad.. Knowledge of historical facts will help war-children by providing an opportunity to create an all-inclusive approach to the past. Personal experiences should be regarded as part of a large historical entity shadowed by war and where many political factors were at work in both Finland and Sweden. This means strengthening of the cognitive dimension discussed in Rüsen´s all-inclusive historical approach.

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Peruna kestää A-virusta estämällä sen leviämistä Peruna on maissin ohella maailman kolmanneksi tärkein ravintokasvi vehnän ja riisin jälkeen. Perunaa lisätään kasvullisesti mukuloita istuttamalla, jolloin virukset siirtyvät sairaiden siemenmukuloiden välityksellä kasvukaudesta toiseen. Virustauteja voi torjua ainoastaan terveen siemenperunan ja kestävien lajikkeiden avulla. Kestävyys perustuu usein siihen, että kasvi estää viruksen leviämisen tartuntakohdasta välttyäkseen virustaudilta. Tässä työssä tutkittiin kolmea perunan A-viruksen (PVA) liikkumista estävää kestävyysmekanismia perunassa. Lisäksi työn kokeelliseen osaan oleellisesti kuuluvaa virustartutusta varten kehitettiin uusi paranneltu versio geenipyssystä. Tämä itse rakennettu laite optimoitiin PVA:n tartuttamiseen mahdollisimman helposti ja pienin käyttökustannuksin. Tutkimuksen kohteena olleessa perunan risteytysjälkeläistössä oli PVA:ta kestäviä kasveja (ryhmä nnr), jotka estivät viruksen liikkumisen aiheuttamatta oireita tartutuskohdassa, sekä kasveja, joissa PVA aiheutti kuolioläikkinä näkyvän yliherkkyysvasteen (ryhmä HR). Molemmissa kestävyystyypeissä virus pystyi monistumaan ja leviämään solusta soluun paikallisesti, mutta liikkuminen muihin kasvinosiin nilan kautta estyi. Ryhmän nnr kasveissa PVA-tartunta ei aiheuttanut tilastollisesti merkitsevää muutosta useimpien geenien ilmenemiseen tartuntakohdassa. Ainoastaan geeniperhe, joka ilmentää tiettyä proteinaasi-inhibiittoria (PI), reagoi PVA:han 24 tuntia tartutuksesta. Kun tämän PVA:han reagoivan geeniperheen jäsenet hiljennettiin nnr- perunalinjoissa, ne muuttuivat alttiiksi PVA:lle ja virus levisi tartuntakohdasta muihin kasvinosiin. Tulos osoittaa, että PI on viruskestävyystekijä. Lisäksi muut tutkimuksessa saadut tulokset tukevat mahdollisuutta, että PI estää PVA:n P1-proteinaasin toimintaa. HR-linjoissa todettiin erilaisiin puolustusvasteisiin liittyvien PR-geenien aktivoitumista PVA-tartunnan seurauksena, mutta myös ilman sitä kasvien kasvettua mullassa noin neljä viikkoa. Sen sijaan solukkoviljelyssä tai vasta kaksi viikkoa mullassa kasvaneissa kasveissa vastaavaa ei vielä todettu. Tulos viittaa siihen, että HR-perunat reagoivat herkemmin ympäristöön ja/tai kasvin kehitysasteeseen laukaisten puolustusvasteita, jotka saattavat parantaa kestävyyttä taudinaiheuttajia vastaan. Kolmas tutkittu kestävyystyyppi havaittiin Pito-perunalajikkeessa. Se muistutti nnr-kestävyyttä siten, että myös siinä viruksen liikkuminen nilassa muihin kasvinosiin estyi. PVA:n todettiin pysähtyvän vasta lehtiruodin tyvelle muodostuvaan irtoamisvyöhykkeeseen, mitä havainnollistettiin käyttämällä muunnettua PVA-rotua, joka tuotti UV-valossa fluoresoivaa vihreää valoa. Tulos viittaa siihen, että virus ei pääse kulkemaan vyöhykkeeseen kuuluvan suojaavan kerroksen läpi, jollei sillä ole pääsyä nilaan. Tällainen kestävyys on tarpeen, jotta virus ei voi korvata nilakuljetusta solusta soluun leviämisellä. Tulokset tuovat uusia näkökulmia kasvien viruskestävyyteen ja auttavat selittämään viruksen nilakuljetuksen estymistä sekä solusta soluun leviämisen pysähtymistä kestävissä kasveissa.

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This study explores the meaning, content and significance of the political as manifest in the Mexican Zapatista movement as historically and geopolitically situated struggle. The case study undertakes a critical analysis of the development, organization, practice and discourse of the movement by drawing on fieldwork experiences, interviews, discussions, documents, films and other material produced by the movement, and the critical engagement with the research of others, especially in Latin America and Mexico. The dissertation poses the need to reconsider what constitutes and what we understand by the political , related particularly to the challenges provided by the critical globalization literature, decolonization and the study of social movements. The analysis encompasses several inter-related levels: the theoretical knowledge regarding the conceptualization of the political; the methodological level, regarding how such research can and should be conducted and knowledge claims formulated given the inescapable context and effects of global power relations; and the substantive level of adding specific information and analytical insights to existing knowledge of the Zapatista movement. As a result of conceptualization of a range of practices and processes, distinct understandings of the political can be underlined. Firstly, the conception of the indigenous and the struggles as indigenous movements as specifically political, not just a cultural or ethnic identity or a static quality but rather, an active consciousness integrally linked both to a longer history of oppression and as political articulation in the concrete context and lived experience of contemporary struggle. Secondly, the practice of autonomy as central to an understanding of the political in the context of the Zapatista struggle as a practical response to the situation of oppression, counter-insurgency, siege and conflict in Chiapas, as well as a positively informed mode of political self-understanding, expression and practice in its own right. Thirdly, the notion of geopolitical positioning as important to understanding of the political that encompasses the historicity of specific context and the power relations which shape that context, developed in two different ways: in regard to the positioning of the researcher and knowledge production with and about the Zapatistas, and in regard to the practice and knowledge of the Zapatistas as a decolonizing force in their encounters, interaction and relations with others, especially the global civil society. Finally, the role of silence, absence, invisibility, revelation and hiding in political practice as a deliberate strategy in response to oppressive power. -

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Hong Kong was once a British colony and has been under the sovereignty of People’s Republic of China (PRC) since 1997. However, some of the unjust practices and colonial legacies are infiltrated into the development ideology as well as the social structures. The construction of intercity express railway project announced in 2008 causing the demolishment of Tsoi Yuen Tsuen, a “non-indigenous” agricultural village in Hong Kong, was one of the current examples. Tsoi Yuen village was established under the former colonial sovereignty sixty years ago. Approximately 450 populations were affected that they had to relocate their homeland involuntarily. However, these villagers were very attached to their homelands and were unwilling to move, and meanwhile they found that they were absent in the government’s consultation and decision-making process. Soon they began their resistance and demanded for “No Move! No Demolish!”. Their movement was strongly supported by a group of “Post-80s generation” and turned into the most important social movement of the city in recent years. In fact, demolition of Tsoi Yuen Village for city development is not an isolated case in the city. Meanwhile the situation is getting worse in Mainland China. I chose the case study of Tsoi Yuen Resistance from 2008 to 2011 for revelation of the complicated colonial history and postcolonial era of Hong Kong. I focused on discussing the Tsoi Yuen Resistance and the Post-80s movement, and how they have exposed the tension between top-down urban planning and development and public movements fighting for a more democratic process in choosing their way of living. Through the study of a village movement which as well as the rationale behind the Post-80s’ support, I hoped to illustrate how this movement has awaken a different sense of living for the new generations in the midst of the high-sounding urban development. It is an opportunity to examine Hong Kong’s colonial epoch in a different perspective: through studying the Tsoi Yuen Village, let them (subalterns) speak for themselves. Furthermore, the significance of this resistance, taking place eleven years after the handover to the PRC, is an important fact that I shall not miss in later discussion. Last but not least, during the resistance, advanced technology and social networks such as Facebook, Twitter, iPhone were used by Post 80s generation to spread the latest information in order to attract public’s concern and participation. Therefore, apart from studying Tsoi Yuen Resistance as a local social movement, I also regard it as a part of the global movement in perusing ecological lifestyle and civil society. How Post 80s’ generation manipulates the global idea in a local context will also be examined.