Disabled Revolutionary War Veterans and the Construction of Disability in the Early United States, c. 1776-1840

This thesis addresses the following broad research question: what did it mean to be a disabled Revolutionary War veteran in the early United States during the period from 1776 to roughly 1840? The study approaches the question from two angles: a state-centred one and an experiential one. In both cases, the theoretical framework employed comes from disability studies. Consequently, disability is regarded as a sociocultural phenomenon rather than a medical condition. The state-centred dimension of the study explores the meaning of disability and disabled veterans to the early American state through an examination of the major military pension laws of the period. An analysis of this legislation, particularly the invalid pension acts of 1793 and 1806, indicates that the early United States represents a key period in the development of the modern disability category. The experiential approach, in contrast, shifts the focus of attention away from the state towards the lived experiences of disabled veterans. It seeks to address the issue of whether or not the disabilities of disabled veterans had any significant material impact on their everyday lives. It does this through a comparison of the situation of 153 disabled veterans with that of an equivalent number of nondisabled veterans. The former group received invalid pensions while the latter did not. In comparing the material conditions of disabled and nondisabled veterans, a wide range of primary sources from military records to memoirs and letters are used. The most important sources in this regard are the pension application papers submitted by veterans in the early nineteenth century. These provide us with a unique insight into the everyday lives of veterans. Looking at the issue of experience through the window of the pension files reveals that there was not much difference in the broad contours of disabled and nondisabled veteran life. This finding has implications for the theorisation of disability that are highlighted and discussed in the thesis. The main themes covered in this study are: the wartime experiences of injured American soldiers, the military pension establishment of the early United States and the legal construction of disability, and the post-war working and family lives of disabled veterans. Keywords: disability, early America, veterans, military pensions, disabled people, Revolutionary War, United States, disability theory.

Ajan sisäkkäiset tilat. Arkkitehtuuri, valokuva ja menneisyyden esittäminen W. G. Sebaldin romaanissa Austerlitz

In her thesis, Kaisa Kaakinen analyzes how the German emigrant author W. G. Sebald (1944-2001) uses architecture and photography in his last novel "Austerlitz" to represent time, history and remembering. Sebald describes time in spatial terms: it is like a building, the rooms and chambers of which are connected to each other. The poetics of spatial time manifests itself on multiple levels of the text. Kaakinen traces it in architectural representations, photographic images, intertextuality, as well as in the form of the text, using the concept of spatial form by Joseph Frank. Architectural and photographic representations serve as meeting points for different aspects and angles of the novel and illustrate the idea of a layered present that has multiple connections to the past. The novel tells a story of Jacques Austerlitz, who as a small child was sent from Prague to Britain in one of the so-called Kindertransports that saved children from Central Europe occupied by the National Socialists. Only gradually he remembers his Jewish parents, who have most likely perished in Nazi concentration camps. The novel brings the problematic of writing about another person's past to the fore by the fact that Austerlitz's story is told by an anonymous narrator, Austerlitz's interlocutor, who listens to and writes down Austerlitz's story. Kaakinen devotes the final part of her thesis to study the demands of representing a historical trauma, drawing on authors such as Dominick LaCapra and Michael Rothberg. Through the analysis of architectural and photographic representations in the novel, she demonstrates how Austerlitz highlights the sense of singularity and inaccessibility of memories of an individual, while also stressing the necessity - and therefore a certain kind of possibility - of passing these memories to another person. The coexistence of traumatic narrowness and of the infinity of history is reflected in ambivalent buildings. Some buildings in the novel resemble reversible figures: they can be perceived simultaneously as ruins and as construction sites. Buildings are also shown to be able to both cover and preserve memories - an idea that also is repeated in the use of photography, which tends to both replace memories and cause an experience of the presence of an absent thing. Commenting and critisizing some recent studies on Sebald, the author develops a reading which stresses the ambivalence inherent in Sebald's view on history and historiography. Austerlitz shows the need to recognize the inevitable absence of the past as well as the distance from the experiences of others. Equally important, however, is the refusal to give up narrating the past: Sebald's novel stresses the necessity to preserve the sites of the past, which carry silent traces of vanished life. The poetics of Austerlitz reflects the paradox of the simultaneous impossibility and indispensability of writing history.

Vankina valkoisten : Oulun vankileiri 1918

Suomen sisällissodassa keväällä vuonna 1918 syntyi useita vankileirejä, jotka oli tarkoitettu valkoisten vangitsemia punaisia varten. Yksi vankileireistä sijaitsi Oulun Raatinsaaressa. Tässä tutkimuksessa olen tarkastellut Oulun vankileirin vankeja, vartijoita ja leirin oloja sekä valtiorikosoikeuden toimintaa ja leirin kuolleisuutta. Oulun vankileiri toimi Valloitettujen alueiden turvaamisosastoon kuuluneen sotavankilaitoksen alaisuudessa. Vankileiri oli tarkoitettu lähinnä Oulun ja Lapin läänin punavankeja varten. Myös asevelvollisuuskutsuntoja vältelleitä ja asevelvollisuudesta kieltäytyneitä oli vangittujen joukossa. Vankien määrä oli suurimmillaan hieman yli 800. Vangit kuuluivat pääsääntöisesti työväenluokkaan. Vangittuina oli myös naisia, joista suurin osa oli pidätetty venäläisten kasarmeilta. Venäläisiä sotilaita, joita oli noin 1000, pidettiin vangittuina omilla kasarmeillaan, ennen kuin heidät kotiutettiin toukokuun lopussa. Vartijoina toimivat aluksi Oulun ja lähikuntien suojeluskuntajoukot ja toukokuun lopusta lähtien asevelvollisuusjoukot. Erityisesti asevelvollisjoukkoja pidettiin vartiointitehtävään sopimattomina. Sotilaat suhtautuivat tehtäviinsä välinpitämättömästi ja vankeihin myötämielisesti. Heistä suurin osa oli kotoisin samoilta paikkakunnilta, mistä punavangitkin ja he kuuluivat suurimmalta osaltaan myös työväenluokkaan. Asevelvollisjoukot olivat myös ylityöllistettyjä ja sotilaskuri oli olematonta, joten ei ollut ihme, että heinäkuun alussa useat asevelvollissotilaat karkasivat riveistä. Vangit asuivat leirillä ahtaasti ja saivat vain niukasti ruokaa. Leirillä vankeja hoitivat lääkäri ja kaksi sairaanhoitajaa. Sairaanhoito oli hankalaa, koska sairastuneita ja heikkoja vankeja oli paljon. Vankien hengellisestä huollosta oli vastuussa kasvatusosasto, jonka johdossa oli pappi apunaan kaksi kasvatusapulaista. Kesäkuun aikana Oulussa toimintansa aloitti kaksi valtiorikosoikeuden osastoa, jotka langettivat tuomioita samanlaisen linjan mukaisesti kuin muuallakin maassa. Punaisena lankana näyttää olleen työväenliikkeen poliittinen nujertaminen. Kuolleisuuden suhteelliseen alhaisuuteen oli osasyynä se, että vartijat eivät olleet kiinnostuneita tehtäviään kohtaan. He eivät estäneet yhteydenpitoa vankien ja heidän omaistensa välillä. Vartijat eivät myöskään syyllistyneet vankileiriterroriin, vaan suhtautuivat vankeja kohtaan pääsääntöisesti maltillisesti. Vangeilla oli mahdollisuuksia ulkopuoliseen ruoansaantiin omaisten kautta ja työskennellessään leirin ulkopuolella eri työtehtävissä. Vankeja käytettiinkin vankileirin ulkopuolisiin työtehtäviin paljon. Koska työnantajat oli velvoitettu kustantamaan työssäkäyvien vankien ruoan, he saivat lisäravintoa ohi vankileiriorganisaation. Siten vangit olivat tarpeeksi vastustuskykyisiä tarttuvia tauteja kohtaan. Oulun vankileirissä kuolleisuus jäikin suhteellisen alhaiseksi hieman alle kuuteen prosenttiin. Avainsanat: Suomi 1918 . vankileirit . sisällissota - sotavangit

Sankarihautaus vapaussodassa : valkoisten kaatuneiden hautaaminen Suomessa vuonna 1918

Civil War Hero Burials the funerals of the fallen White in Finland in 1918 This study focuses on the burial with honours of fallen White combatants during the Finnish Civil War of 1918, as well as on the reasons underpinning the practice. The main sources of the study included the archives of the White army, the Civil Guard organisation and the Church, as well as the newspapers. The genetic method of history research was used. Both the existing tradition of military burials and the ecclesiastical burial culture influenced the burials of those who fell during the Civil War. The first war hero funerals took place as early as the beginning of February 1918, and the first larger-scale collective funerals were organised in Laihia and Vaasa in the Ostrobothnia province, with the latter attended by the supreme civil and military leaders of White Finland. From early on, these funerals assumed their characteristic features, such as the lion flag a design for the Finnish national flag proposed immediately upon the declaration of the country s independence military parades, lines of honour guards, eulogies, salutes and common war hero graves. As a result of the general offensive begun in mid-March 1918, the numbers of the fallen multiplied, so special organisations were established to handle the burials of the fallen. At the same time, the war hero funerals became more frequent and diffused, and the numbers of the buried grew throughout the country. In early March, the advocates of the republican system of government published their appeal in the newspapers, requesting that collective graves for those who fell in the war prepared in every locality. They motivated their request by stating that it was the funerals in particular that had inspired many men to join the ranks voluntarily in the first place, and that the large collective soldiers graves increased the numbers of those who answered the call and left for the front. The Civil Guard organisation arranged the burials of war heroes. The clergy contributed by officiating the religious service and by clearly aligning themselves with the Whites in their eulogies. The teachings of the Lutheran Church suggest that they found the Whites to be the temporal authority instituted by God, and therefore authorised raising the sword against the Reds. Speaking at the funerals with great pomp and sentimental power, the leaders of the Civil Guard and the exponents of the learned classes instigated their audiences against the Reds. The funeral speeches idealised the war hero s death by recalling military history since the times of ancient Greece. Being of the emblematic colour of the Whites, the white coffin assumed a particular importance connected to ideas of biblical purity and innocence. By the end of May 1918, almost 3,300 Whites were buried in the soldiers graves prepared by the burial organisation in some 400 localities. Only about 200 men remained missing in action or unidentified. The largest common graves accommodated over 60 fallen combatants. Thus, the traditions of the 1918 Civil War directly influenced war hero burial practices, which continued into the Finnish Winter War of 1939.

Juutalaisvastaisuus suomalaisissa aikakauslehdissä ja kirjallisuudessa 1918-1944

Anti-Semitism existed in Finland during the whole period covered by this study. The immoral acts associated with Jews in the articles were mostly regarded as universal habits, qualities and/or modes of action, that is, unconnected with any particular Finnish Jew. Researchers have tried to explain anti-Semitism in several ways. The theory of Jews as outsiders has been a popular explanation as well as xenophobia, chimerical anti-Semitism and the socio-economic models. The main sources of this study have been over 400 Finnish periodicals and magazines, literature and text books published between 1918 and 1944. This vast number of magazines includes those of the army and the civil guard, religion, humour and the papers of the Finnish extreme right. One can see a distinct foreign and especially German influence in the subjects and phraseology of Finnish anti-Semitic writings between 1918 and 1944. Several known Finnish anti-Semitic writers had some kind of link with Germany. Some Finnish organisations and societies were openly anti-Semitic during this period. There had been cycles in the activity of anti-Semitic writing in Finland, obvious peaks appearing in 1918 1919, 1929 1931, 1933 1938 and 1942 1944. The reason for the 1918 1919 activity was the civil rights which were granted to the Jews in Finland, and the Russian Bolshevik revolution. The worldwide depression from 1929 to 1932 seem to be the reason for new anti-Semitic writing activity. The rise of National Socialism in Germany and the influence this phenomenon had in Finland was the reason for the peak during 1933 1938. During the continuation war 1942 1944 National Socialist Germany was fighting side-by-side with Finland and their anti-Semitic propaganda found easier access to Finland. Of the 433 magazines, journals and newspapers which were used in this study, 71 or 16.4 per cent had at least one article that can be identified as anti-Semitic; especially the magazines of national socialists and other extreme right parties were making anti-Semitic annotations. There were about 50 people known to have written anti-Semitic articles. At least half of these known writers had studied at the university, including as many as 10 priests. Over and above these, there was an even larger number of people who wrote under a pseudonym. The material used suggested that anti-Semitism was not very popular in Finland between 1918 and 1944. Anti-Semitic articles appeared mostly in the magazines of the extreme right, but their circulation was not very large. A proof of the slight influence of these extreme right anti-Semitic ideas is that, beside the tightening of policy towards Jewish immigrants in 1938 and the handing over of eight of these refugees to Germany in 1942, the official policy of Finland never became anti-Semitic. As was stated before, despite the cycles in the number of writings, there does not appear to have been any noticeable change in public opinion. One must also remember that most Finns had not at that period actually met a Jew. The material used suggests that between 1918 and 1944 the so-called Jewish question was seemingly unimportant for most Finns and their attitude to Jews and Jewishness can be described as neutral.

Itsenäisen Suomen puolesta : Sotilaskomitea 1915-1918

For Independent Finland. The Military Committee 1915–1918 In the course of the First World War, several organizations were founded with the purpose of making Finland independent or, at least, restoring her autonomous status. The Military Committee was the most significant active independence organization in Finland in the First World War, in addition to the activist student movement, i.e., the Jaeger Movement. The Military Committee was an organization founded in 1915 by officers who had attended the Hamina Cadet School, with the goal of creating a national army for a liberation war against the Russian troops. It was believed that the liberation war should succeed only with the help of the German Army. With the situation in society continually tensing up in the autumn 1917, the Military Committee also had to figure on the possibility of a Civil War. The activities of the Military Committee started in the early part of 1915 when they were still small-scale, but they gained significant momentum after the Russian Revolution in March 1917. In January 1918, the Military Committee formed the general staff for the White Army, the Senate’s troops. The independence-related activities of the Hamina cadets in the years of the First World War were more extensive and multifaceted than has been believed heretofore. The work of the Military Committee was divided into preparations for a liberation war in Finland, on one hand, and in Stockholm and Berlin, on the other hand. In Finland, the Military Committee took part in intelligence gathering for Germany and in supporting the recruiting Jaegers, and later in founding the civil guard organization, in solving the law and order authorities issue, and finally in selecting the Commander-in-Chief for the Senate’s troops. The member of the Military Committee, especially Captain Hannes Ignatius of the Cavalry contributed greatly to the drafting of the independence activists’ national action plan in Stockholm in May 1917. This plan preceded the formation of the civil guard organization. The Military Committee’s role in founding the civil guards was initially minor, but in the fall of 1917, the Military Committee started to finance the activities of the civil guards, named several former officers as commanders of the civil guards and finally overtook the entire civil guard movement. In Stockholm and Berlin, the representatives of the Military Committee were in active contact with both the high command of the German Army and with the representatives of the Swedish Army. Colonel Nikolai Mexmontan, who was a representative of the Military Committee, collaborated with Swedish officers and Jaeger officers in Stockholm in coming up with comprehensive and detailed plans for starting the Liberation War. Under Mexmontan’s leadership, there were serious negotiations to enter into a confederation with Germany. Lieutenant Colonel Wilhelm Thesleff, on the other hand, became the commander of the Jaeger Battalion 27. The influence and importance of the Military Committee came to the forefront in independent and conflict-torn Finland. The Military Committee became a Senate committee on the 7th of January 1918, with its chairman, for all practical purposes, as the Commander-in-Chief in an eventual war. Lieutenant General Claes Charpentier was the chairman of the Military Committee from mid-December 1917 onwards, but on the 15th of January 1918 he had to resign in favour of Lieutenant General Gustaf Mannerheim. Soon after that, Mannerheim got an order from the chairman of the Senate P. E. Svinhufvud to organize and assume the leadership of the law and order authorities. The chairman of the Military Committee became the Commander-in-Chief of the Senate troops in January 1918, and the Military Committee became the Commander-in-Chief’s general staff. The Military Committee had turned from a clandestine organization into the first general staff of the independent Finnish Army.

G.W. Leibniz and Scientific Societies

The famous philosopher Leibniz (1646-1716) was also active in the (cultural) politics of his time. His interest in forming scientific societies never waned and his efforts led to the founding of the Berlin Academy of Sciences. He also played a part in the founding of the Dresden Academy of Science and the St. Petersburg Academy of Science. Though Leibniz's models for the scientific society were the Royal Society and the Royal Science Academy of France, his pansophistic vision of scientific cooperation sometimes took on utopian dimensions. In this paper, I will present Leibniz's ideas of scientific cooperation as a kind of religious activity and discuss his various schemes for the founding of such scientific societies.

Search for a Higgs Boson Decaying to Two W Bosons at CDF

We present a search for a Higgs boson decaying to two W bosons in ppbar collisions at sqrt(s)=1.96 TeV center-of-mass energy. The data sample corresponds to an integrated luminosity of 3.0 fb-1 collected with the CDF II detector. We find no evidence for production of a Higgs boson with mass between 110 and 200 GeV/c^2, and determine upper limits on the production cross section. For the mass of 160 GeV/c^2, where the analysis is most sensitive, the observed (expected) limit is 0.7 pb (0.9 pb) at 95% Bayesian credibility level which is 1.7 (2.2) times the standard model cross section.

Expected Performance of the ATLAS Experiment - Detector, Trigger and Physics

A detailed study is presented of the expected performance of the ATLAS detector. The reconstruction of tracks, leptons, photons, missing energy and jets is investigated, together with the performance of b-tagging and the trigger. The physics potential for a variety of interesting physics processes, within the Standard Model and beyond, is examined. The study comprises a series of notes based on simulations of the detector and physics processes, with particular emphasis given to the data expected from the first years of operation of the LHC at CERN.

Combination of Tevatron Searches for the Standard Model Higgs Boson in the W+W- Decay Mode

We combine searches by the CDF and D0 collaborations for a Higgs boson decaying to W+W-. The data correspond to an integrated total luminosity of 4.8 (CDF) and 5.4 (D0) fb-1 of p-pbar collisions at sqrt{s}=1.96 TeV at the Fermilab Tevatron collider. No excess is observed above background expectation, and resulting limits on Higgs boson production exclude a standard-model Higgs boson in the mass range 162-166 GeV at the 95% C.L.

Combined Tevatron upper limit on gg->H->W+W- and constraints on the Higgs boson mass in fourth-generation fermion models

We combine results from searches by the CDF and D0 collaborations for a standard model Higgs boson (H) in the process gg->H->W+W- in p=pbar collisions at the Fermilab Tevatron Collider at sqrt{s}=1.96 TeV. With 4.8 fb-1 of integrated luminosity analyzed at CDF and 5.4 fb-1 at D0, the 95% Confidence Level upper limit on \sigma(gg->H) x B(H->W+W-) is 1.75 pb at m_H=120 GeV, 0.38 pb at m_H=165 GeV, and 0.83 pb at m_H=200 GeV. Assuming the presence of a fourth sequential generation of fermions with large masses, we exclude at the 95% Confidence Level a standard-model-like Higgs boson with a mass between 131 and 204 GeV.

First Measurement of the b-Jet Cross Section in Events with a W Boson in pp̅ Collisions at √s=1.96  TeV

The cross section for jets from b quarks produced with a W boson has been measured in ppbar collision data from 1.9/fb of integrated luminosity recorded by the CDF II detector at the Tevatron. The W+b-jets process poses a significant background in measurements of top quark production and prominent searches for the Higgs boson. We measure a b-jet cross section of 2.74 +- 0.27(stat.) +- 0.42(syst.) pb in association with a single flavor of leptonic W boson decay over a limited kinematic phase space. This measured result cannot be accommodated in several available theoretical predictions.

Measurement of W-Boson Polarization in Top-Quark Decay in pp̅ Collisions at √s=1.96  TeV

We report measurements of the polarization of W bosons from top-quark decays using 2.7 fb^-1 of ppbar collisions collected by the CDF II detector. Assuming a top-quark mass of 175 GeV/c^2, three measurements are performed. A simultaneous measurement of the fraction of longitudinal (f_0) and right-handed (f_+) W bosons yields the model-independent results f_0 = 0.88 \pm 0.11 (stat) \pm 0.06 (syst) and f_+ = -0.15 \pm 0.07 (stat) \pm 0.06 (syst) with a correlation coefficient of -0.59. A measurement of f_0 (f_+) constraining f_+ (f_0) to its standard model value of 0.0 (0.7) yields f_0 = 0.70 \pm 0.07 (stat) \pm 0.04 (syst) (f_+ = -0.01 \pm 0.02 (stat) \pm 0.05 (syst)). All these results are consistent with standard model expectations.

Search for Technicolor Particles Produced in Association with a W Boson at CDF

We present a search for the technicolor particles $\rho_{T}$ and $\pi_{T}$ in the process $p\bar{p} \to \rho_{T} \to W\pi_{T}$ at a center of mass energy of $\sqrt{s}=1.96 \mathrm{TeV}$. The search uses a data sample corresponding to approximately $1.9 \mathrm{fb}^{-1}$ of integrated luminosity accumulated by the CDF II detector at the Fermilab Tevatron. The event signature we consider is $W\to \ell\nu$ and $\pi_{T} \to b\bar{b}, b\bar{c}$ or $b\bar{u}$ depending on the $\pi_{T}$ charge. We select events with a single high-$p_T$ electron or muon, large missing transverse energy, and two jets. Jets corresponding to bottom quarks are identified with multiple $b$-tagging algorithms. The observed number of events and the invariant mass distributions are consistent with the standard model background expectations, and we exclude a region at 95% confidence level in the $\rho_T$-$\pi_T$ mass plane. As a result, a large fraction of the region $m(\rho_T) = 180$ - $250 \mathrm{GeV}/c^2$ and $m(\pi_T) = 95$ - $145 \mathrm{GeV}/c^2$ is excluded.

Search for New Bottomlike Quark Pair Decays QQ̅ →(tW∓)(t̅ W±) in Same-Charge Dilepton Events

We report the most restrictive direct limits on masses of fourth-generation down-type quarks b′, and quarklike composite fermions (B or T5/3), decaying promptly to tW∓. We search for a significant excess of events with two same-charge leptons (e, μ), several hadronic jets, and missing transverse energy. An analysis of data from pp̅ collisions with an integrated luminosity of 2.7  fb-1 collected with the CDF II detector at Fermilab yields no evidence for such a signal, setting mass limits mb′, mB>338  GeV/c2 and mT5/3>365  GeV/c2 at 95% confidence level.