3 resultados para Hoover, Herbert, 1874-1964.

em Helda - Digital Repository of University of Helsinki


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This Master's thesis examines two opposite nationalistic discourses on the revolution of Zanzibar. Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM), the party in power since the 1964 revolution defends its revolutionary and "African" heritage in the current multi-party system. New nationalists, including among others the main opposition party Civic United Front (CUF), question both the 1964 revolution and the post-revolution period and blame CCM for empty promises, corruption and ethnic discrimination. This study analyzes the role of a significant historical event in the creation of nationalistic ideology and national identity. The 1964 revolution forms the nucleus of various debates related to the history of Zanzibar: slavery, colonialism, racial discrimination and political violence. Representations of these Social constructivist principles form the basis of this study, and central concepts in the theoretical framework are nationalism, national identity, ethnicity and race. I use critical discourse analysis as my research method, lean on the work by Teun A. van Dijk and Norman Fairclough as the most significant researchers in this field. I examine particularly the ways in which linguistic methods, such as stereotypes and metaphors are used to form in- and out-groups ("us" vs. "others"). My material, both in Swahili and English, was collected mainly in Tanzania in the fall of 2007 and from online sources in the spring of 2009. It includes publications by the Zanzibari government between the years of 1964-2000 (12), official speeches for the Revolution Day or the Union Day (12), articles from Tanzanian newspapers from the 1990s until the year of 2009 (15), memoirs and political pamphlets (10), blog posts and opinion pieces from four different websites (8), and interviews or personal communication in Zanzibar, Dar es Salaam and Uppsala (8). Nationalistic rhetoric often creates enemy images by using binary good-bad oppositions. Both discourses in this study build identities on the basis of "otherness" and exclusion, with the intent of emphasizing the particularity of the own group and excluding "evilness" outside the own reference group. These opposite views on the 1964 revolution as the main axis of the history of Zanzibar build different portraits of the nation and Zanzibari-ness (Uzanzibari). CCM still relies on the pre-revolutionary enemy images of Arabs as selfish rulers and cruel slave traders. For CCM, Zanzibar is primarily an "African" nation and a part of Tanzania which is threatened by "Arabs", the outsiders. In contrast, the new nationalists stress the long history of Zanzibar as multi-racial, cosmopolitan and formerly independent country which has its own, separate culture and identity from mainland Tanzanians. Heshima, honour/respect, one of the basic values of Swahili culture, occupies a central role in both discourses: the main party emphasizes that the revolution returned "heshima" to the Zanzibari Africans after centuries of humiliation, whereas the new nationalists claim that ever since the revolution all "non-Africans" have been humiliated and lost their "heshima". According to the new nationalists, true Zanzibari values which include tolerance and harmony between different "races" were lost when the "foreign" revolutionaries arrived from the mainland. Consequently, they see the 1964 revolution as Tanganyikan colonialism which began with the help of Western countries, and maintain that this "colonialism" still continues in the violent multi-party elections.

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Tutkielmassa selvitetään Herbert Olssonin käsitystä luonnollisen lain sisällöstä, sen suhteesta rakkauden vaatimukseen ja kultaiseen sääntöön. Lähteinä ovat Olssonin kaikki Lutheria käsittelevät tekstit, keskeisimpinä hänen väitöskirjansa Grundproblemet i Luthers socialetik sekä pääteoksensa Schöpfung, Vernunft und Gesetz in Luthers Theologie . Tutkielma jakaantuu johdannon jälkeen taustalukuun, kolmeen analyysilukuun ja loppukatsaukseen, jossa esitellään tutkimuksen tulokset. Taustaluvussa tehdään katsaus luonnollisen lain tulkintahistoriaan aikaisemmassa Luther-tutkimuksessa. Luvussa tulevat ilmi erot pohjoismaisen ja mannereurooppalaisen Luther-tutkimuksen välillä, edellisen painottaessa vahvasti luonnollista lakia, sen identtisyyttä ilmoitetun lain ja rakkauden lain kanssa sekä sen universaalisuutta kaiken moraalisen toiminnan ohjaajana. Tämän jälkeen, luvussa kolme tutkitaan systemaattisen analyysin avulla Olssonin tulkintaa Lutherin luonnonoikeuskäsityksistä sekä luonnollisen käsitteestä ja luodaan pohjaa seuraaville tutkimusluvuille. Luvuissa neljä ja viisi käsitellään luonnollista lakia sinällään, ensin Olssonin väitöskirjasta ja sen jälkeen hänen myöhemmästä tuotannostaan välittyvän kuvan kautta. Jo alusta asti Olssonin tulkintaa leimaa käsitys siitä, että luonnollinen laki kuuluu kaikille ihmisille, se on sisällöltään identtinen dekalogin ja muun ilmoitetun lain kanssa, ja että sen vaatimus voidaan tiivistää rakkauden vaatimukseksi, ts. kultaiseksi säännöksi. Kultainen sääntö koskee Olssonilla sekä suhdetta lähimmäiseen että Jumalaan, kun sen aiemmin ajateltiin liittyvän vain lähimmäissuhteeseen. Olsson ei kuitenkaan vedä kovin monia johtopäätöksiä siitä, kuinka kultainen sääntö suhteessa Jumalaan pitäisi ymmärtää. Ensisijaisesti luonnollisen lain mukaan eläminen vaikuttaa olevan Olssonin tulkinnassa samaa kuin Jumalan tahdon mukaan eläminen. Tästä seuraa kysymys, millainen on Jumalan tahto ja sitä kautta Jumalan luonto, johon luonnollisen lain oletetaan viittaavan. Tutkimuksessa tullaan siihen tulokseen, että Olsson ei oleta Jumalan luonnon olevan lahjoittava rakkaus. Myöskään luonnollinen laki ei vaadi ihmistä luopumaan hyvän tavoittelusta, vaan se juuri vaatii suuntautumista kohti hyvää. Näin ollen Olssonin tulkinnan taustalla ei ole lahjoittavan rakkauden malli luomakunnan järjestyksenä, vaan Augustinukselta ja skolastikoilta tuttu ordo caritatis -malli. Ihmisessä reaalisesti läsnä oleva, pyyteettömästi palveleva Kristus ei tästä syystä sovi Olssonin tulkintaan lainkaan, ja näin ollen hänen käsityksensä vanhurskaudesta on oltava lähinnä forenssinen, ei efektiivinen. Ylipäätään Jumalan ja ihmisen suhteessa on hänellä kyse tahdon suhteesta, ei ontologisesta Kristuksen ja ihmisen yhdistymisestä. Lahjoittavan rakkauden ja Jumala-suhteen ontologisen ulottuvuuden puuttumisen takia siis Olssonin Luther-kuva muodostuu voluntaristiseksi, Jumalan absoluuttista tahtoa korostavaksi. Toisaalta hänen tulkintansa saa myös skolastisia painotuksia, johtuen juuri hyvään suuntautuvan rakkauden korostamisesta. Kultainen sääntö vaikuttaa olevan enemmän vastavuoroisuuden sääntö kuin pyyteettömän rakkauden sääntö. Summa summarum: mainituista syistä johtuen luonnollisen lain, rakkauden vaatimuksen ja kultaisen säännön sisällöllinen ykseys jää Olssonilla hänen tavoitteistaan huolimatta saavuttamatta.

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The dissertation examines the foreign policies of the United States through the prism of science and technology. In the focal point of scrutiny is the policy establishing the International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis (IIASA) and the development of the multilateral part of bridge building in American foreign policy during the 1960s and early 1970s. After a long and arduous negotiation process, the institute was finally established by twelve national member organizations from the following countries: Bulgaria, Canada, Czechoslovakia, Federal Republic of Germany (FRG), France, German Democratic Republic (GDR), Great Britain, Italy, Japan, Poland, Soviet Union and United States; a few years later Sweden, Finland and the Netherlands also joined. It is said that the goal of the institute was to bring together researchers from East and West to solve pertinent problems caused by the modernization process experienced in industrialized world. It originates from President Lyndon B. Johnson s bridge building policies that were launched in 1964, and was set in a well-contested and crowded domain of other international organizations of environmental and social planning. Since the distinct need for yet another organization was not evident, the process of negotiations in this multinational environment enlightens the foreign policy ambitions of the United States on the road to the Cold War détente. The study places this project within its political era, and juxtaposes it with other international organizations, especially that of the OECD, ECE and NATO. Conventionally, Lyndon Johnson s bridge building policies have been seen as a means to normalize its international relations bilaterally with different East European countries, and the multilateral dimension of the policy has been ignored. This is why IIASA s establishment process in this multilateral environment brings forth new information on US foreign policy goals, the means to achieve these goals, as well as its relations to other advanced industrialized societies before the time of détente, during the 1960s and early 1970s. Furthermore, the substance of the institute applied systems analysis illuminates the differences between European and American methodological thinking in social planning. Systems analysis is closely associated with (American) science and technology policies of the 1960s, especially in its military administrative applications, thus analysis within the foreign policy environment of the United States proved particularly fruitful. In the 1960s the institutional structures of European continent with faltering, and the growing tendencies of integration were in flux. One example of this was the long, drawn-out process of British membership in the EEC, another is de Gaulle s withdrawal from NATO s military-political cooperation. On the other hand, however, economic cooperation in Europe between East and West, and especially with the Soviet Union was expanding rapidly. This American initiative to form a new institutional actor has to be seen in that structural context, showing that bridge building was needed not only to the East, but also to the West. The narrative amounts to an analysis of how the United States managed both cooperation and conflict in its hegemonic aspirations in the emerging modern world, and how it used its special relationship with the United Kingdom to achieve its goals. The research is based on the archives of the United States, Great Britain, Sweden, Finland, and IIASA. The primary sources have been complemented with both contemporary and present day research literature, periodicals, and interviews.