8 resultados para H.264

em Helda - Digital Repository of University of Helsinki


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Työ käsittelee Rooman laivaston kehitystä, toimintaa ja osallistumista laajenemispolitiikkaan, jossa Rooma kasvoi kaupunkivaltiosta Välimeren hallitsijaksi. Rooma on aikaisemmissa tutkimuksissa nähty maavaltiona vailla kiinnostusta merenkulkuun. On katsottu, että ainoa merkittävä merisota Rooman historiassa on ensimmäinen puunilaissota (264-241 eKr.) ja että siinäkin roomalaiset (jotka historioitsija Polybius kuvaa vasta-alkajiksi) menestyivät Karthagoa vastaan turvautumalla laskusiltoihin, joiden avulla he saattoivat muuttaa meritaistelun maataisteluksi. Polybiuksen kuvaukseen on aina tähän asti luotettu. On katsottu että Roomalla ei ollut laivastoa ennen ensimmäistä puunilaissotaa ja että Rooma kaikissa sodissaan panosti merisodankäyntiin mahdollisimman vähän. Tämä työ pyrkii kumoamaan nämä käsitykset. Laivasto oli osallisena ja ehdottoman välttämätön kaikissa Rooman laajenemispolitiikan käänteissä. Arkeologian tiedot osoittavat, että ennen ensimmäistä puunilaissotaa Rooma kehittyi ja siitä tuli merkittävä kaupunki nimenomaan kaupankäynnin ja ulkomaisten kontaktien seurauksena. Se ei siis ollut puhdas agraarivaltio. Roomalaisilla oli laivasto jo viimeistään 500-luvulta lähtien eKr. ja sitä käytettiin Rooman laajentaessa valtaansa Italiassa. Näin ollen ensimmäisessä puunilaissodassa läntisen Välimeren herruudesta kilpaili kaksi merivaltiota, Rooma ja Karthago. Toinen puunilaissota (218-201) tunnetaan yleensä Hannibalin tulosta Alppien yli Italiaan, mutta se oli myöskin merkittävä merisota ja karthagolaiset hävisivät sen nimenomaan merellä. Rooma osallistui kilpailuun itäisen Välimeren hallinnasta ja kukisti Makedonian ja Syyrian laivastot, jotka eivät olleet mitenkään Rooman laivaston veroisia. Kaikista Rooman vastustajista Karthagolla olisi ollut suurin mahdollisuus pysäyttää Rooman laivaston voittokulu toisessa puunilaissodassa. Laivastoa käytettiin moniin eri tarkoituksiin. Suuret meritaistelut eivät ole ainoa osoitus laivastojen mukanaolosta ja merkityksestä, vaan on myös otettava huomion sotalaivojen rakenne ja toimintaedellytykset. Sotalaivat oli rakennettu taisteluita varten ja niissä oli hyvin niukasti säilytystilaa. Niiden oli päästävä laskemaan maihin aina kun miehistö tarvitsi vettä, ruokaa ja lepoa. Laivastot saattoivat toimia vain niiden rannikoiden tuntumassa, joiden satamiin ja laskupaikkoihin niillä oli turvallinen pääsy. Roomalaiset olivat hyvin tietoisia tästä. Suuret merentakaiset sotaretket Afrikkaan, Espanjaan, Kreikkaan ja Vähän-Aasian rannikolle perustuivat kaikki siihen, että Rooman laivasto hallitsi purjehdusreittejä ja sopivia laskupaikkoja ja saattoi huolehtia joukkojen ja varusteiden kuljettamisesta kaukana taisteleville armeijoille. Samalla Rooman laivasto kävi itsenäistä sotaa merellä ja haastoi ja kukisti kaikki Välimeren merivaltiot. 130-luvulle eKr. tultaessa se oli lyönyt vihollisensa ja riisunut aseista liittolaisensa; Rooman laivasto hallitsi Välimerta yksin.

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The aim of this thesis was to increase our knowledge about the effects of seed origin on the timing of height growth cessation and field performance of silver birch from different latitudes, with special attention paid to the browsing damage by moose in young birch plantations. The effect of seed origin latitude and sowing time on timing of height growth cessation of first-year seedlings was studied in a greenhouse experiment with seven seed origins (lat. 58º - 67ºN). Variation in critical night length (CNL) for 50 % bud set within two latitudinally distant stands (60º and 67ºN) was studied in three phytotron experiments. Browsing by moose on 5-11 -year-old silver birch saplings from latitudinally different seed origins (53º - 67ºN) was studied in a field experiment in southern Finland. Yield and stem quality of 22-year-old silver birch trees of Baltic, Finnish and Russian origin (54º - 63ºN) and the effect of latitudinal seed transfers were studied in two provenance trials at Tuusula, southern and Viitasaari, central Finland. The timing of height growth cessation depended systematically on latitude of seed origin and sowing date. The more northern the seed origin, the earlier the growth cessation and the shorter the growth period. Later sowing dates delayed growth cessation but also shortened the growth period. The mean CNL of the southern ecotype was longer, 6.3 ± 0.2 h (95 % confidence interval), than that of the northern ecotype, 3.1 ± 0.3 h. Within-ecotype variance of the CNL was higher in the northern ecotype (0.484 h2) than in the southern ecotype (0.150 h2). Browsing by moose decreased with increasing latitude of seed origin and sapling height. Origins transferred from more southern latitudes were more heavily browsed than the more northern native ones. Southern Finnish seed origins produced the highest volume per unit area in central Finland (lat. 63º11'N). Estonian and north Latvian stand seed origins, and the southern Finnish plus tree origins, were the most productive ones in southern Finland (lat. 60º21'N). Latitudinal seed transfer distance had a significant effect on survival, stem volume/ha and proportion of trees with a stem defect. The relationship of both survival and stem volume/ha to the latitudinal seed transfer distance was curvilinear. Volume was increased by transferring seed from ca. 2 degrees of latitude from the south. A longer transfer from the south, and transfer from the north, decreased the yield. The proportion of trees with a stem defect increased linearly in relation to the latitudinal seed transfer distance from the south.

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Background. Hyperlipidemia is a common concern in patients with heterozygous familial hypercholesterolemia (HeFH) and in cardiac transplant recipients. In both groups, an elevated serum LDL cholesterol level accelerates the development of atherosclerotic vascular disease and increases the rates of cardiovascular morbidity and mortality. The purpose of this study is to assess the pharmacokinetics, efficacy, and safety of cholesterol-lowering pravastatin in children with HeFH and in pediatric cardiac transplant recipients receiving immunosuppressive medication. Patients and Methods. The pharmacokinetics of pravastatin was studied in 20 HeFH children and in 19 pediatric cardiac transplant recipients receiving triple immunosuppression. The patients ingested a single 10-mg dose of pravastatin, and plasma pravastatin concentrations were measured up to 10/24 hours. The efficacy and safety of pravastatin (maximum dose 10 to 60 mg/day and 10 mg/day) up to one to two years were studied in 30 patients with HeFH and in 19 cardiac transplant recipients, respectively. In a subgroup of 16 HeFH children, serum non-cholesterol sterol ratios (102 x mmol/mol of cholesterol), surrogate estimates of cholesterol absorption (cholestanol, campesterol, sitosterol), and synthesis (desmosterol and lathosterol) were studied at study baseline (on plant stanol esters) and during combination with pravastatin and plant stanol esters. In the transplant recipients, the lipoprotein levels and their mass compositions were analyzed before and after one year of pravastatin use, and then compared to values measured from 21 healthy pediatric controls. The transplant recipients were grouped into patients with transplant coronary artery disease (TxCAD) and patients without TxCAD, based on annual angiography evaluations before pravastatin. Results. In the cardiac transplant recipients, the mean area under the plasma concentration-time curve of pravastatin [AUC(0-10)], 264.1 * 192.4 ng.h/mL, was nearly ten-fold higher than in the HeFH children (26.6 * 17.0 ng.h/mL). By 2, 4, 6, 12 and 24 months of treatment, the LDL cholesterol levels in the HeFH children had respectively decreased by 25%, 26%, 29%, 33%, and 32%. In the HeFH group, pravastatin treatment increased the markers of cholesterol absorption and decreased those of synthesis. High ratios of cholestanol to cholesterol were associated with the poor cholesterol-lowering efficacy of pravastatin. In cardiac transplant recipients, pravastatin 10 mg/day lowered the LDL cholesterol by approximately 19%. Compared with the patients without TxCAD, patients with TxCAD had significantly lower HDL cholesterol concentrations and higher apoB-100/apoA-I ratios at baseline (1.0 ± 0.3 mmol/L vs. 1.4 ± 0.3 mmol/L, P = 0.031; and 0.7 ± 0.2 vs. 0.5 ± 0.1, P = 0.034) and after one year of pravastatin use (1.0 ± 0.3 mmol/L vs. 1.4 ± 0.3 mmol/L, P = 0.013; and 0.6 ± 0.2 vs. 0.4 ± 0.1, P = 0.005). Compared with healthy controls, the transplant recipients exhibited elevated serum triglycerides at baseline (median 1.3 [range 0.6-3.2] mmol/L vs. 0.7 [0.3-2.4] mmol/L, P=0.0002), which negatively correlated with their HDL cholesterol concentration (r = -0.523, P = 0.022). Recipients also exhibited higher apoB-100/apoA1 ratios (0.6 ± 0.2 vs. 0.4 ± 0.1, P = 0.005). In addition, elevated triglyceride levels were still observed after one year of pravastatin use (1.3 [0.5-3.5] mmol/L vs. 0.7 [0.3-2.4] mmol/L, P = 0.0004). Clinically significant elevations in alanine aminotransferase, creatine kinase, or creatinine ocurred in neither group. Conclusions. Immunosuppressive medication considerably increased the plasma pravastatin concentrations. In both patient groups, pravastatin treatment was moderately effective, safe, and well tolerated. In the HeFH group, high baseline cholesterol absorption seemed to predispose patients to insufficient cholesterol-lowering efficacy of pravastatin. In the cardiac transplant recipients, low HDL cholesterol and a high apoB-100/apoA-I ratio were associated with development of TxCAD. Even though pravastatin in the transplant recipients effectively lowered serum total and LDL cholesterol concentrations, it failed to normalize their elevated triglyceride levels and, in some patients, to prevent the progression of TxCAD.

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Your money or your life? A qualitative follow-up study of the young unemployed from an actor perspective is a qualitative and longitudinal study following 36 unemployed young people in Helsinki over a span of ten years. The purpose of the study is to shed light on how a few young people view employment/unemployment and their lives and future, how they as unemployed perceive their encounters with society, and how society supports them. Four so-called key informants were followed at a finer level of empirical detail. They were chosen for the thematic interviews because of their different personalities, starting points and preferences. Although some differences were expected, what the results show is quite striking. The individual stories raise a number of questions about differences between young people, about society s view of the young unemployed, and about the principles behind the so-called activation policy and how society s support is distributed. The key informants descriptions underline that the group young unemployed does not consist of individuals who are alike but that life is complex, that paid work and unemployment can be perceived very differently, and that background and unofficial support can have consequences for self-perception and for ways of looking at the future, vocational choices, paid work and activation policy. Margaret S. Archer s theory of Morphogenesis and Barbara Cruikshank s theory of constructing democracies compose the study s theoretical framework. The key informants stories give a picture of a formal support system that, even though it puts part of the responsibility for unemployment on the individuals themselves, in the name of fairness and equality, treats them in an impersonal way, not giving their personal situation and wishes much weight. As a consequence, those who share the dominant values of society do well, while others who do not are faced with difficulties. The bigger the gap between society s and the individual s values, the bigger the risk to be met by little understanding and by penalties. And vice versa: Those who initially have the right values and know how to deal with authorities get heard and their opinions get accepted. The informants ask for a more personal encounter, which could improve both the atmosphere and the clients experiences of being heard. Still the risk of having a more individualistic system should be addressed, as a new system might generate new winners, but just as well give new losers. Finally, we have to ask if the so-called activation policy is looking for answers primarily to a macro-level problem on the micro-level. If it does not produce more jobs, its support for the unemployed will be insignificant. It is not enough to think about what to do at the grassroots level to make the system more functional and support job-seeking. If the current rate of unemployment endures, the quality of life of the unemployed should be addressed. A first step could be taken by placing less guilt on the unemployed. Instead of talking about activating the unemployed, discussion should be targeted at removing structural impediments to employment. If we want to have less polarisation between the those with paid work and those without, who often struggle with low incomes, we need to include the macro-level in the discussion. What does high unemployment mean in a work-based society, where the individual s self-perception and important social forms of support are linked to labour income? And what can be done at the macro-level to change this undesirable condition at the micro-level? Keywords: Unemployment, Youth, Public interventions, Activation policy, Individual actors, Qualitative, Longitudinal, Holistic, Helsinki, Finland

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XVIII IUFRO World Congress, Ljubljana 1986.

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A Breakthrough of Welfare State. The inter-relationships of the civic movement, political transformation, and eroding of a hegemony based on small scale farming in the Finnish society in the late 1950's. The unusually rapid and powerful structural change; the non-parliamentary civic movements of 1956 - 1963; and the left majority in the Finnish parliament between 1958 - 1962 all took place as the Finnish welfare state started to develop. The aim of my research is to analyse the inter-relationships of these processes. The research describes the way the former semi self-sufficient, semi-proletarian and labour-intensive form of production - a simple and discriminatory system in itself - made it possible for the majority of the population to survive through hard work. For some it even provided a possibility to prosper. The waning vitality of semi self-sufficiency and small scale agriculture triggered a political ferment and started a period of searching for something new. The process was so intense that it broke up most of the parties and tore down the old consensus that was based on the power of economic and political elite. The most crucial battle of the great transformation was waged over the nature of the state: Should we build a welfare state and construct social security systems, or should we revert to the old night watchman state and, for example, cancel the modest forms of redistribution of income carried out in the 1950's? The people joining the civic movements were either cottagers of the impoverishing countryside or, quite often, people who had come from the countryside and thus had grown up under conditions of some form of solidarity that included taking care of one's own family. The Finnish social insurance developed in the midst of a change in the structure of production of the society, and it became a compromise to satisfy the needs of both the waning society of small scale agriculture and the rising proletarian society based on wage labour. The hodgepodge of political schemes and use of power became a battle between different notions of the economy and the state; the distribution of national income; and the position of Finland in the international context. This battle created a shape of an interregnum - a period of transformation including two notions of society, two alternative paths for the future and the logic of a correctional move. The transformation of Finland from a poor developing country into a prosperous society has been praised as a success story. In 1956 - 1959, when the old form of governance based on the interests of small scale agriculture and wood processing industry was in decay, and when the future seemed uncertain, the projects to reduce social benefits and efforts to distribute national income even more unequally than before led to a powerful counter-movement by citizens and started an hegemonic change and a equal socia development.