941 resultados para yrityksen kehittämispalvelut, analyysi- ja konsultointipalvelut,


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A national church, freedom of religion, and the state The interpretation of freedom of religion formulated by the Synod of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland in reference to the relationship between the Church and the state from 1963 to 2003 This paper discusses the interpretation of freedom of religion formulated by the Synod of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland during the years 1963-2003. The effect of these formulations and decisions made by the Synod on the relationship between the Church and the state is also discussed as the relationship has been a central issue in the debate about freedom of religion in Finland. Active co-operation with the state caused a dispute in the Church during this period. Another cause for concern for the Synod, a strong defender of the national church, was the weakening position of the Church in a society undergoing many changes. As the Synod of 1963 discussed the status of the Church, the Church began to reflect upon its identity as a national church, and to evaluate freedom of religion in the country, as well as the relationship between the Church and the state. Some of the radicals of the 1960s and 1970s presented the Church as an obstacle to freedom of religion. The Synod was keen to emphasize that, in accordance with international agreements on human rights, freedom of religion means the freedom to have and follow a religion, and also that freedom of religion was a right of the majority in Finnish society. As an active guardian of the rights of its members, the Synod defended such issues as the teaching of religion in schools. Throughout the dispute, the Church focused on its right to act freely and, according to its identity, to express spirituality in the society. At the end of the 1960s, several efforts to reform the law on the freedom of religion and the relationship between the Church and the state gained favour in the Synod. These formulations of the Church were the basis for the work of a parliamentary committee in the 1970s, but no significant changes resulted. Instead, freedom of religion in Finland was judged to be fairly good. The committee paper did, however, lead to preparations for greater independence of the Church. The Synod at the time chose to react to the changes presented to it, but it was not before the 1990s that the Synod became an active force of reform in these matters. Though the Synod, particularly from the 1970s onwards, began clearly to favour the improvement of the position of other religious communities in Finland, it felt it had reason to be cautious as each church and religious community had the freedom to decide individually its relationship with the state. Any changes that would have weakened the position of the Church in Finnish society were met with disapproval in the Synod. Even though some theological concerns regarding the national identity of the Church were raised, the Synod emphasized issues of church policy. Keen to preserve and protect its legal status in society, the Synod judged that this status supported the freedom of action enjoyed by the Church as well as the freedom of religion.

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Sangen ialo Rucous. The prayer book of the Schwenckfeldiens as a source for Michael Agricola The significance of the prayer book published by the Finnish reformer Michael Agricola in the year of 1544 has not been comprehended enough among the prayer literature of the Reformation century. Especially in foreign research literature one of the era s most extensive and versatile prayer books has been practically disregarded. According to the prayer book, Agricola appears to be a traditionalist, who derives most of his source material from medieval and old church prayer books. The low number of the prayers from Evangelical prayer books is noteworthy. The study in hand examines Agricola s theology expressed in his translation work of the prayer book of the mystic spiritualistic Schwenckfeldien movement. The prayer book of the Schwenckdeldiens diverged from Lutheranism was called Bekantnus der sünden and it was composed around the year of 1526. Agricola is the only prayer book collector who has regarded it as necessary to add all the 45 prayers of the Schwenckfeldien prayer book and its introduction to his book. In the prayers containing the Schwenckfeldien communion theology and Christology Agricola has not changed the content of the text, apparently because he was not aware of the problems involved in the Schwenckfeldien theology. On a few occasions Agricola added points of view concerning the church, priesthood, preaching the Word and sacraments to his prayers, which the Schwenckfeldiens despised. From the ten additions four Agricola created himself, the rest he borrowed from Wolfgang Capito s prayer book. As a source Agricola used Capito s Latin prayer book together with the German text from Bekantnus. When looking at the studied material, Agricola does not turn out to be a creative translator. Even though he had a model for a less restricted translation in Wolfgang Capito s prayer book, he sticks to his habit of translating word by word. Because not even a good example has had a liberating effect on his translation principles, Agricola cannot be considered a theologically orientated writer. The translation of the Schwenckfeldien prayers Agricola starts with Capito s prayer book. Very soon he takes the Bekantnus alongside Capito s text and abandons the use of Capito s prayer book in the middle of the translation process. Comparing Agricola s translation with the two texts in different languages has made it possible to create the disposition theory described above. On the basis of the disposition theory it can be concluded that Agricola first worked out a precise plan for his prayer book. Then he translated prayers theme by theme using multiple sources at the same time. Later Agricola fixed the disposition, which does not seem to have a direct paragon. From the prayers of the Schwenckfeldien prayer book Agricola translated 26 texts using the Bekantnus as an only base, from Capito s prayer book he translated four texts and 17 texts he translated using the two basic texts simultaneously. In the previous studies, words and texts added by Agricola have been examined as one problem unit. In this study the additions have been placed into three different categories: additions consequential on tautological parataxis, specifying additions and additions significant to the content. Due to Agricola s meticulous translation techniques, there are so few additions. Agricola does not show his own creativity even in the additions significant to the content but uses there some complete sentences or word fragments from the other prayers he has translated. In the translations of the prayers there are some unique appearing words and the analysis of the translation work shed a new light on the background of their first literary appearance in Finnish. Agricola s linguistic abilities turned out to be great. In those prayers where Agricola uses both the German and Latin basic texts at the same time, the translation process is a very intensive twine made on the basis of the two sources.

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The main focus of this study is the epilogue of 4QMMT (4QMiqsat Ma aseh ha-Torah), a text of obscure genre containing a halakhic section found in cave 4 at Qumran. In the official edition published in the series Discoveries of the Judaean Desert (DJD X), the extant document was divided by its editors, Elisha Qimron and John Strugnell, into three literary divisions: Section A) the calendar section representing a 364-day solar calendar, Section B) the halakhot, and Section C) an epilogue. The work begins with text critical inspection of the manuscripts containing text from the epilogue (mss 4Q397, 4Q398, and 4Q399). However, since the relationship of the epilogue to the other sections of the whole document 4QMMT is under investigation, the calendrical fragments (4Q327 and 4Q394 3-7, lines 1-3) and the halakhic section also receive some attention, albeit more limited and purpose oriented. In Ch. 2, after a transcription of the fragments of the epilogue, a synopsis is presented in order to evaluate the composite text of the DJD X edition in light of the evidence provided by the individual manuscripts. As a result, several critical comments are offered, and finally, an alternative arrangement of the fragments of the epilogue with an English translation. In the following chapter (Ch. 3), the diversity of the two main literary divisions, the halakhic section and the epilogue, is discussed, and it is demonstrated that the author(s) of 4QMMT adopted and adjusted the covenantal pattern known from biblical law collections, more specifically Deuteronomy. The question of the genre of 4QMMT is investigated in Ch. 4. The final chapter (Ch. 5) contains an analysis of the use of Scripture in the epilogue. In a close reading, both the explicit citations and the more subtle allusions are investigated in an attempt to trace the theology of the epilogue. The main emphases of the epilogue are covenantal faithfulness, repentance and return. The contents of the document reflect a grave concern for the purity of the cult in Jerusalem, and in the epilogue Deuteronomic language and expressions are used to convince the readers of the necessity of a reformation. The large number of late copies found in cave 4 at Qumran witness the significance of 4QMMT and the continuous importance of the Jerusalem Temple for the Qumran community.

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Women and women s words in discussions about the ordination of women in the General Synod between 1974 and 1987. In 1986, the General Synod of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Finland approved the ordination of women. Prior to that decision, a considerable amount of discussion and debate took place about this renewal in both the Synod and the general public. The different points of view had divided the church and the people, and had placed the church under pressure to resolve the issue as soon as possible. At the same time, the changing climate in people s attitudes toward the church and the changing position of women in society clearly weighed in on this matter. The research material consists of the speeches about the ordination of women given by the women representatives in the General Synod of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Finland between the years 1974 and 1987. The aim is to determine why these representatives wanted to ordain women as pastors, what kind of women pastors they wanted to have in the congregations, and what they wanted to change in the church through this renewal. The basic methods of the analysis include discourse analysis as well as the new rhetorics and some concepts used by Pierre Bourdieu. A framework, which I named rhetoric patterning, was developed to interpret the results. This framework has facilitated the identification of three effective discourses in the studied argumentation: the folk church discourse, the pastor image discourse and the church image discourse. According to the opinions of the women representatives, the concept of change turned out to be a very decisive factor as the church sought a way to reach its members. To maintain a good and modern image seemed very important for the church to be able to perform its task in the modern era. The women representatives presented the situation of the church in terms of contextual theology and took seriously the membership of all those baptized into the church. They were therefore ready to take into account the opinion of all church members. The problem was that even though the ordination of women was established, the fixed mental schemes of the people and the strong power structures of the church remained untouched. Women were allowed into a new area of church life, but with certain publicly pronounced and unconsciously recognized conditions. Did this change really mean greater equality between women and men, as was intended? Key words: ordination of women, General Synod, contextualization, discourse analysis.

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The theology of marriage in the Church of England(CofE) and in the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland(ELCF)1963–2006 The method of the study is a systematic analysis of the sources. In the CofE marriage stems from creation, but it is also sacramental, grounded in the theology of love and redemption. Man and woman have a connection between them that is a mystical union in character because of the one between Christ and the Church; therefore every marriage is sacramental. The purposes of marriage have been expressed in a different order than earlier. A caring relationship and sexuality are set before childbirth as the causes of marriage. The remedial cause of marriage is also moved to the background and it cannot be found in the recent wedding formulas. A personal relationship and marriage as a school of faith and love have a central place in the theology of marriage. The theology of love unites the love of God and marriage. In the CofE the understanding of divorce and co-habiting has changed, too. Co-habiting can now be understood as a stage towards marriage. Divorce has been understood as a phenomenon that must be taken as a fact after an irretrievable breakdown of marriage. Thus the church must concentrate on pastoral care after divorce. Similarly, the ELCF also maintains that the order of creation is the origin of marriage as a lifelong institution. This is also an argument for the solemnization of marriage in the church. Faith and grace are not needed for real marriage because marriage is the culmination of reason and natural law. The society defines marriage and the church gives its blessing to the married couples if so requested. Luther’s view of marriage is different from this because he saw marriage as a school of love and faith, similar to CofE. He saw faith as essential to enable the fullfillment of natural law. Marriage in the ELCF is mostly a matter of natural ethics. An ideal form of life is sought through the Golden Rule. This interpretation of marriage means that it does not presuppose Christian education for children to follow. The doctrine of the two kingdoms is definitely essential as background. It has been impugned by scholars, however, as a permanent foundation of marriage. There is a difference between the marriage formulas and the other sources concerning the purposes of marriage in the ELCF. The formulas do not include sexuality, childbirth or children and their education as purposes of marriage. The formulas include less theological vocabulary than in the CofE. The liturgy indicates the doctrine in CofE. In the Lutheran churches there is not any need to express the doctrine in the wedding formulas. This has resulted in less theology of marriage in the formulas. The theology of Luther is no longer any ruling principle in the theology of marriage. The process of continuing change in society refines the terms for marriage more than the theological arguments do.

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The Ideal of Volunteerism. An institutional approach to social welfare work in the parishes of the Diocese of Porvoo especially in the deaneries of Iitti and Tampere, Finland, in the years 1897-1923 Social welfare work (also known as diakonia) has achieved a high status in the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland. Since 1944, provisions of the Finnish Church Act have obliged each parish to employ at least one deacon or deaconess. This study sets out to examine the background and development of social welfare work in the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland from the 1890s to the 1920s, by which time social welfare work had become an established practice in the Church. The study investigates the development of social welfare work on the level of parishes. The main source material was collected from sixteen parishes in the Diocese of Porvoo especially in the deaneries of Iitti and Tampere. In the 1890s, two approaches were used in church social work in Finland. The dioceses of Kuopio, Savonlinna and Turku pursued a congregational approach to social work, while the Diocese of Porvoo employed an institutional approach, mainly because of the influence of Bishop Herman Råbergh. This study charts the formation of church social work in Finnish parishes, which took place during a period of tension between the two approaches. The institutional approach to church social work adopted by the Diocese of Porvoo was based on the German system of Asisters= houses@, in which deaconess institutes sent parish sisters to serve congregations. The parish or, in many cases, a separate association dedicated to church social work paid an annual fee to the deaconess institute, which took care of the parish sisters in old age. In the institutional approach, volunteers were recruited to carry out church social work. It was considered as inappropriate to use tax revenue or other public funding for church social work, which was supposed to be based on Christian love for one=s fellow humans and the needy, and for which only voluntary financial contributions were supposed to be used. In the congregational approach, church social work was directly based on the efforts of the parish. The approach relied on the administrative bodies of parishes and the Church, and tax revenue collected by the parishes, as well as other forms of public funding, could be used to carry out the social welfare work. The parishes employed deacons and deaconesses and paid their salaries. The approaches described above were not pursued in their ideal forms; instead, many variations existed. However, in principle, the social welfare work undertaken by the parishes of the Diocese of Porvoo was based on the institutional approach, while the congregational approach was largely employed elsewhere in Finland. Both of the approaches were viable. Parishes began to employ deacons and deaconesses as of the 1890s. The number of parishes which had hired a deacon or deaconess increased particularly in the 1910s, by which time 60% of parishes had employed one. This level was maintained until 1944 when each parish in the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland was obliged to employ a deacon or deaconess. Deaconesses usually worked as travelling nurses. The autonomous status of Finland as part of the Russian Empire did not give Finns the right to develop legislation on social affairs and health care. Consequently, the legislation process did not begin until Finland gained its independence in 1917. The social welfare work carried out by parishes and a number of voluntary organisations satisfied the emerging need for medical treatment in Finnish society. Neither the government nor the municipalities had sufficient resources to provide this treatment. Based on the ideal of volunteerism, the institutional social work practiced in the Diocese of Porvoo ran into serious difficulties at the end of the First World War. Because of severe inflation, prices began to rise as of 1915 and tripled in 1917-1918. During the same period, Finnish society went through a deep crisis which escalated into Civil War in spring 1918. This period of economic and social turmoil marked a turning-point which led to a weakening of the status of institutional social work in parishes. Voluntary efforts were no longer sufficient to maintain the practice. In contrast, congregational social work, which was based on public funding, was able to cope with the changes and survived the crisis. The approach to social work adopted by the Diocese of Porvoo turned out to be no more than a brief detour in the history of social work in the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland. At the start of the 1920s, the two approaches were integrated into a common vision for establishing church social work as a statutory practice in parishes.

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Light to the East? The Finnish Lutheran Mission and the Soviet Union 1967 1973 The Cold War affected the lives of Christian churches, especially in Europe. Besides the official ecumenical relations between east and west, there existed unofficial activity from west to east, such as smuggling Bibles and distributing information about the severe condition of human rights in the USSR. This study examines this kind of unofficial activity originating in Finland. It especially concentrates on the missionary work to the Soviet Union done by the Finnish Lutheran Mission (FLM, Suomen Evankelisluterilainen Kansanlähetys) founded in 1967. The work for Eastern Europe was organised through the Department for the Slavic Missions. FLM was founded within the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland, but it was not connected to the church on an organisational level. In addition to the strong emphasis on the Lutheran confession, FLM presented evangelical theology. The fundamental work of the Department for the Slavic Missions was to organise the smuggling of Bibles and other Christian literature to the Soviet Union and other countries behind the iron curtain. They also financed several Christian radio programmes produced and aired mainly by the international Trans World Radio. The Department diversified its activity to humanitarian help by distributing material help such as clothes and shoes to the unregistered evangelical and baptist groups, which were called the underground churches . In Finland the Department focused on information services. It published its own magazine, Valoa idässä (Light in the East), 5 to 6 times per year. Through the magazine and by distributing samizdat material received from the unregistered Christian groups, it discussed and reported the violations of human rights in the Soviet Union, especially when the unregistered Christian groups were considered the victims. The resistance against the Soviet Union was not as much political but religious: the staff of the Department were religious and revivalist young people who thought, for instance, that communism was in some way an apocalyptic world power revealed in the Bible. Smuggling Bibles was discussed widely in the Finnish media and even in parliament and the Finnish Security Police (SUPO, Suojelupoliisi) and in the Lutheran Church. From the church s point of view, this kind of missionary work was understandable but bothersome. Through their ecumenical connections, the bishops knew the critical situation of churches behind the iron curtain very well, but wanted to act diplomatically and cautiously to prevent causing harm to ecumenical or political relations. The leftist media and members of parliament especially accused the work of the Department of being illegal and endangering relations between Finland and the Soviet Union. SUPO did not consider the work of the Department as illegal activity or as a threat to Finnish national security.

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"Prayer, a heritage from generation to generation" The elderly and religion in Finland at the turn of the 21st century The strong demographic changes in Europe mean that research on the elderly is highly needed, and also from the viewpoint of their resources and opportunities. Further, it is important to determine, how the elderly could find a meaningful place as members of the chain of generations in our rapidly changing society. The aim of this study was to find out how the elderly build and perceive their place in the society through religious texts. The study was based on religious texts written by elderly people in the study groups of the Finnish pensioners organization Pension Union (Eläkeliitto). These 943 short prayers, poems, and aphorisms were collected during the Tree of Life (Elämänpuu) project in 1998-1999 and were then analysed applying qualitative content analysis and grounded theory methodology. The social construction of aging and the view of communication as a collective signifying process were used as the mainstays of the research perspective. The themes brought forward by the elderly writers were grouped around three key themes: the self, the world and religion. In this examination religion with its forms of expression appeared to be deeply rooted to each of these themes and thus seems a vital part of the elderly writers' culture. In connection with the theme of the self, the religious forms of expression provided a means of building a coherent and culturally accepted self-image which is further supported by positive views of personal history and current life situation. In relation to the world theme, the elderly writers stressed the importance of close social relationships and at the same time expressed anxiety with regard to the changing world. Concerning the theme of religion, the religious forms of expression were first and foremost used in building and creating a sense of personal safety and a belief in the future. The study suggests that skill in the use of religious language enable the elderly to cope with equivocal life events and cognitive dissonance. At the social level the religious forms of expression seemed to connect the writers to the Finnish linguistic culture and identity, as well as to the collective memory, where religion plays a central part. By using religious language the elderly both exploit and maintain these considerable social resources. The key result of the study is that the elderly were found to have a significant and separate role in the continuity and well-being of society. Bound to the religious tradition, the elderly seem to carry significant information as regards the identity of the Finnish people, information which is essentially passed on to future generations. By sustaining traditions and thus the collective identity, they perform a uniquely productive task and their life experience could be seen as a particular type of capital in the society. This result also raises a grave question: Will the elderly of the future be able to undertake this task that so profoundly requires religious literacy?

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In my dissertation I have studied St Teresa (1515-1582) in the light of medieval mystical theories. I have two main levels in my research: historical and theological. On the historical level I study St Teresa s personal history in the context of her family and the Spanish society. On the theological level I study both St Teresa s mysticism and her religious experience in the light of medieval mysticism. St Teresa wrote a book called Life , which is her narrative autobiography and story about her mystical spiritual formation. She reflected herself through biblical texts interpreting them in the course of the biblical hermeneutics like allegory, typology, tropology and anagogy. In addition to that she read others life stories from her period of time, but reflected herself only slightly through the sociological point of view. She used irony as a means to gain acceptance to her authority and motive to write. Her position has been described as a double bind because of writing at the request of educated men and to the non-educated women as she herself was uneducated. She used irony as a means to achieve valuation to women, to gain negative attributes connected to them and to gain authority to teach them mystical spirituality, the Bible and prayer. In this ironic tendency she was a feminist writer. In order to understand medieval mysticism I have written in the first chapter a review of the main trends in medieval mysticism in connection with the classical emotional theories. Two medieval mystical theories show an important role in St Teresa s mysticism. One is love mysticism and the other is the three partite way of mysticism (purification, illumination and union). The classic-philosophical emotional theories play a role in both patterns. The theory of love mysticism St Teresa interpreted in the traditional way stressing the spiritual meaning of love in connexion with God and neighbors. Love is an emotion, which is bound with other emotions, but all objects of love don t strengthen spiritual love. In the three partite way of mysticism purification means to find biblical values in life and to practice meditative self-knowledge theologically interpreted. In illumination human understanding has to be illuminated by God and united to mystical knowledge from God. St Teresa considered illumination a way to learn things. Illumination has also psychological aspects like recognition of many trials and pains, which come from life on earth. Theologically interpreted in illumination one should die to oneself, let oneself be transformed and renewed by God. I have also written a review of the modern philosophical discussion on personal identity where memory and mental experiences are important creators of personal identity. St Teresa bound medieval mystical teaching together with her personal religious experience. Her personal identity is by its character based on her narrative life story where mental experiences play important role. Previous researchers have labelled St Teresa as an ecstatic person whose experiences produced ecstatic phenomena to the mysticism. These phenomena combined with visions have in one respect made of her a person who has brought physical and visionary tendencies to theology. In spite of that she also represents a modern tendency trying to give words to experiences, which at first seem to be exceptional and extreme and which are easily interpreted as one-sided either physical or sexual or unsaid. In other respect I have stressed the personality of St Teresa that was represented as both strong and weak. The strong personality for her is demonstrated by religious faith and in its practice. The weak personality was for her a natural personal identity. St Teresa saw a unifying aspect in almost all. Firstly, her mysticism was aimed towards union with God and secondly, the unifying aspects and common rules in human relations in community life were central. Union with God is based on the fact that in a soul God is living in its centre, where God is present in the Trinitarian way. The picture of God in ourselves is a mirror but to get to know God better is to recognize his/her presence in us. When the soul recognizes itself as a dwelling place of God, it knows itself as God knows him/herself. There is equality between God and the soul. To be a Christian means to participate in God in his Trinitarian being. The participation to God is a process of divinization that puts a person into transformation, change and renewal. The unitive aspect concludes also knowledge of opposites between experience of community and solitude as well as community and separateness. As a founder of monasteries St Teresa practiced theology of poverty. She renewed the monastic life founding a rule called discalced that stressed ascetic tendencies. Supporters of her work were after the difficulties in the beginning both society and churchly leaders. She wrote about the monasteries including in her description at times seriousness at times humor and irony. Her stories are said to be picaresque histories that contain stories of ordinary laymen and many unexpected occasions. She exercised a kind of Bakhtinian dialogue in her letters. St Teresa stressed the virtues like sacrifice, determination and courage in the monastic life. Most of what she taught of virtues is based on biblical spirituality but there are also psychological tendencies in her writings. The theological pedagogical advice is mixed with psychology, but she herself made no distinction between different aspects in her teaching. To understand St Teresa and her mysticism is to recognize that she mixes her personal religious experience and mysticism, which widens mysticism to religious experience in a new way, although this corresponds also the very definition of mysticism. St Teresa concentrated on mental-spiritual experiences and the aim of her mystical teaching was to produce a human mind well cured like a garden that has God as its gardener.

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Science and the Scientist's Social Responsibility. Joseph Ben-David's, Roger Sperry's and Knut Erik Tranøy's Views of Science and the Scientist's Social Responsibility The aim of the study was to investigate, whether or not there is any connection between Jewish sociologist Joseph Ben-David's, American neuroscientist Roger Sperry's and Norwegian philosopher Knut Erik Tranøy's views of science and views of the scientist's social responsibility. The sources of information were their writings concerning this topic. Ben-David has a classical view of science. He thinks that the Mertonian norms of scientific activity, first written in 1942, are still valid in modern science. With the help of these norms Ben-David defends the view that science is morally neutral. Ben-David thinks that a scientist has a limited social responsibility. A scientist only reports on the new results, but he is not responsible for applying the results. In any case Ben-David's ideas are no longer valid. Sperry has a scientistic view of science. According to Sperry, science is the source of moral norms and also the best guide for moral action. The methods of natural sciences "show" how to solve moral problems. A scientist's personal views of science and social responsibility are not important. However Sperry's view is very problematic on the ethical side. Tranøy stresses the scientist's social responsibility. A scientist has common norms with the society from with he or she comes. This is why a scientist has the right, and also the responsibility, to discuss social and ethical questions between science and society. Tranøy's view has some ethical and practical problems, but it is valid in principle. Finally, Ben-David's, Sperry's and Tranøy's views of both science and the scientist's social responsibility have a connection: the view of science corresponds to the certain view of scientist's social responsibility. The result of this study is: Ben-David's, Sperry's and Tranøy's view of science have an ethical starting point as its fundamental presupposition, which include certain views of scientific knowledge, good and the scientist's ethical responsibilities. The connection between Ben-David's, Sperry's and Tranøy's views of science and views of the scientist's social responsibility means that their views of epistemology, meta-ethics and the scientist's ethical responsibilities have a connection to their views of the scientist's social responsibility. The results of this study can help the scientific community to organize the social responsibility of a scientist and deepen the conversation concerning the scientist's social responsibility.

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Even though the concept of incentive has become very popular in Finnish welfare politics since the economic crisis of the 1990s, the content of this concept is not clear. Fundamentally, it is a matter of controlling the behaviour of individuals to accord with the authorities' objectives and interests in gaining cooperative benefits. As early as in Plato's Republic, citizens were encouraged to use their abilities and skills in a way most beneficial to the society. Similarly, in today's welfare society citizens are urged to produce common goods and distribute welfare to enable a better life for all through cooperation. The fundamental question is to what extent society can shape individuals' preferences with incentives, and encourage them without external coercion to choose actions beneficial for both the society and the individuals themselves. The objective of the incentive institution is to gain cooperative benefits, but there are different views on how it should be implemented. For example, the incentive system in the Finnish welfare society includes several economic and social conceptions which adjust the distribution of welfare. From an economic perspective, the objective of the incentive system is economic efficiency, while from a social perspective it is the securing of social rights and citizens' equality. The market mechanism, for example, can at best lead to economically efficient activity, but it might sacrifice fairness and equality. In this research, the idea of activation policy expands to cover normative and social incentives, in addition to the economic factors affecting human choice and social actions. Desirable co-living and meaningful cooperation have some prerequisites. We need the expanded idea of activation to study them, and to maintain them in society. The themes discussed in all the ten chapters aim at evaluating the preconditions of a just society. This study provides tools to examine the changes in the welfare state, also from the viewpoint of normative ethics. This offers a morally and conceptually wider perspective than a normative viewpoint of economics alone. In terms of the values of our welfare society, it makes a difference how the relationship between the legalities of economics and citizens' well-being is understood. The research asks whether economic benefits to the society should be allowed to supersede the principles of human dignity Key words:incentives, activation policy, morality, social philosophy, social justice, policy paradigm

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The subject of the study is the ideal and reality of commitment to membership in the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland from the 1960s to the 2000s. The research task is to ascertain what manner of commitment the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland expects from its members (the ideal) and how in reality membership of the Church is realized (empiria). The research object is also to study the extent to which the ideal of commitment evinced by the Church and the actual relation of commitment to the Church changed during the research period. Additionally, those factors were analysed which influence the relation between the ideal and reality of commitment. In the analysis of the ideal of commitment the research data are official documents of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland. They include confessions of the Church, Catechisms, Christian doctrine, joint strategies and plans of the Church, likewise the Church Act and Church Order. The reality of commitment is explored on the basis of Church membership, participation in parish activity and the private practice of religion, likewise attitude to Christian faith. The empirical data of the study comprise Church statistics, material from Statistics Finland and relevant surveys implemented during the research period. The ideal of commitment alongside membership includes knowing the basic tenets of Christian faith and family life based on prayer and participation in liturgical cycles. A member of the Church is expected to take care of his/her faith by living in participation of the Word and sacrament, bearing responsibility for the parish and faithfully discharging his/her worldly obligations. There have been no major changes in the ideal of commitment during the research period. On the contrary, the reality of commitment has changed. Although the majority of Finns are still members of the Church, there has been a constant decline in their share of the population. The same can be stated with respect to parish life. This has its own strengths, among them Church rites, parish activity around feast days and also work with children and confirmation training. However, the general trend is towards a decline in participation. There has also been a decrease in commitment to belief in God as taught by the Church. On the other hand, private religious observance has not changed at all. From the perspective of commitment the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland exists in a state of tension between the theological ideal and sociological empiria. Matters exerting a particular influence over the relation between ideal and reality are communality and varying conceptions of the Church, likewise contextuality and the related private Christianity. Societal change poses a challenge to traditional Church communality. A decline in communality has in turn led to a decline in belonging to the Church. Weakening awareness of membership has undermined the handing down of the tradition among younger generations. Modernization has influence the identity of the Church and brought the Church to an internal divergence. This way it has been able to retain its structure as a folk church but at the same time it has lost its opportunities for the formation of a clear identity. The Church has adjusted to societal change by outward-directed activities (performance) alongside the purely religious message (function). The tension between an unchanged message and a changed operating environment has increased. The challenge of contextuality has led the Church to review parish life, the nature of teaching and activity and the language used by the Church, likewise the cultural modus. Increasingly privatized Christianity challenges above all the theology and teaching of the Church, but also the life of worship and relation to cultural life.

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Tutkimuksen punaisena lankana kulkee kysymys siitä, millainen on bikerkulttuurin eetos? Miten se on syntynyt, miten sitä ylläpidetään ja miten Misfit MC:n jäsenet sitä tulkitsevat ja toteuttavat omassa elämässään? Tarkastelen eetosta kahdenlaisen aineiston valossa. i) Kenttätyöllä (vuosina 1995-1998 ja 2000-2001) kerätyn aineiston valossa tarkastelen yhtä pääkaupunkiseudulla toimivaa HD-moottoripyöräkerhoa, vuonna 1989 toimintansa aloittanutta Misfit MC:tä. Jäsenet kutsuvat kerhoaan useimmiten talliksi, joskus pajaksi, kerhoksi tai klubiksi. Puhuessaan tallista, miehet voivat viitata kerhorakennukseen ("tuut sä tallille?") mutta myös ryhmään ("meidän talli") ja sen olemassaoloon ajallisesti ja paikallisesti. Aloittaessani kenttätyön vuonna 1995 Misfit MC:n kuului kymmenen 25-30-vuotiasta miestä. ii) Kenttätyöllä kerätyn aineiston lisäksi käytän materiaalia, joka koostuu Harley-Davidson-moottoripyörän ympärille rakentuneen bikerkulttuurin historiasta ja kulttuurituotteista, kuten kertomuksista, elokuvista, musiikista, kuvataiteesta ja moottoripyörälehdistä. Aineiston avulla valotan bikerkulttuurin eetoksen syntyä, alkuvaiheita, leviämistä ja keskeisiä elementtejä. Lähdeaineiston monimuotoisuus ja runsaus palautuu kenttätyöhöni jolloin vakuutuin siitä, että tutkimusmatka bikerkulttuurin historiaan, perinteisiin ja median välittämiin (mieli)kuviin on välttämätöntä, sillä menneisyys ja Harrikkaan ajan kuluessa varastoituneet merkitykset vaikuttavat ja ovat vahvasti läsnä Misfit MC:n toiminnassa ja talliin kuuluvien miesten elämäntyylissä. Tutkimus etenee seuraavanlaisesti. Luku I on Johdanto. Luvussa II Etnografia käsittelen etnografisen tiedon luonnetta niin tutkimusasenteena kuin kenttätyön valossa. Pohdin kenttätyötä ja sen suhdetta etnografian kirjoittamiseen eli miten kenttätyöllä kerätty aineisto muuntuu etnografiseksi monografiaksi. Käsittelen myös kenttätyöni reunaehtoja, kuten tyttöystävyyden ja sukupuolen merkitystä, ja tarkastelen tutussa kulttuurissa tehdyn kenttätyön ominaispiirteitä. Reunaehtojen kuvailu toimii myös johdatuksena bikerkulttuuriin sellaisena kuin se ilmenee Misfit MC:n tallielämässä ja käytänteissä. Lopuksi pohdin "tiheän kuvauksen" mahdollisuuksia ja vaateita aineistoni puitteissa. Luvussa III Bikerkulttuurin eetosta kartoittamassa, kuvailen Harley-Davidson-moottoripyörän ympärille rakentuneen elämäntavan syntyä, levittäytymistä ja keskeisiä elementtejä. Tarkastelen media- ja populaarikulttuurisia tekstejä (elokuvien kertomat tarinat, musiikkikappaleiden sanoitukset ja HD- ja bikerlehtien artikkelit) ja kuvia (elokuvien audiovisuaaliset aspektit, kuvataide ja HD- ja bikerlehtien kuvitus), jotka ovat vaikuttaneet bikerkulttuurin eetokseen. Luvun keskeisiä - aineistosta nousevia ja miessukupuoleen vahvasti sidoksissa olevia - käsitteitä ovat biker, outlaw ja chopper, jotka ovat bikerkulttuurissa säilyneet alkuperäisessä muodossa maantieteellisestä tai kielialueesta riippumatta. Luvussa IV Misfit MC ja bikerkulttuurin eetos temaattinen painopiste siirtyy Suomeen ja Misfit MC:hen. Aluksi käyn läpi suomalaisen bikerkulttuurin muotoutumista ja ominaispiirteitä. Alkukappaleiden jälkeen keskityn Misfit MC:n jäsenten elämäntyylin sävyihin ja heidän käsityksiinsä bikerkulttuurin eetoksesta. Analyysin kiintopisteitä ovat Misfit MC:n jäsenten näkemys bikeriydestä ja tallitoiminnasta, miesten elämäntyylin moraaliset ja esteettiset sävyt, tallirakennus miesyhteisöllisyyttä ja bikerkulttuurin eetosta luovana ja ylläpitävänä sosiaalisena tilana ja Misfit MC miesten yhteisönä. Luvussa V Eetoksen ytimessä: mies ja Harley-Davidson keskityn bikerkulttuurin ytimeen: miehen ja Harley-Davidson-moottoripyörän väliseen suhteeseen. Luvun alussa esittelen ruotsalaisen yhteiskuntatieteilijä Lars Lagergrenin moottoripyörään soveltamaa työkalu - leikkikalu - toteemi - välittäjä -typologiaa ja tarkastelen moottoripyörän olemusta sukupuolittavana ja sukupuolittuvana artefaktina. Johdanto-osion jälkeen siirryn kuvailemaan Misfit MC:n jäsenten suhdetta Harley-Davidson-moottoripyörään. Lähestyn miesten ja moottoripyörien suhdetta kahden toiminnan - moottoripyörän kunnostamisen ja rakentamisen sekä moottoripyörällä ajamisen - kautta. Avainsanat: aineellinen kulttuuri, arvot, biker, bikerkulttuuri, chopper, eetos, elämäntapa, etnografia, Harley-Davidson-moottoripyörä, Harley-Davidson-moottoripyöräkerho, kenttätyö, maskuliinisuus, mieskulttuuri, mieskuva, moottoripyöräily, osakulttuurit, outlaw, populaarikulttuuri, sukupuoliroolit, yhteisöt

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Tutkielma on kaksivaiheinen. Ensin esittelen apostolisen, Syyrialaisortodoksisen kirkon historiaa ja luostariperinnettä. Toisen osan tarkoitus on selvittää, liittyykö Pyhän Efraim Syyrialaisen luostarin munkkien luostariinjäämispäätökseen yhteiskunnallisia syitä ja mitä muita mahdollisia syitä voidaan löytää. Vertailen lopuksi varhaisia, 400-luvulla eläneiden kilvoittelijoiden Pyhän Efraim Syyrialaisen, Antonius Suuren ja Simeon Pylväspyhimyksen motiiveita nykykilvoittelijoiden motiiveihin, sikäli kuin se on mahdollista. Selvitän myös, onko Efraim Syyrialaisen esimerkillä ollut merkitystä nykykilvoittelijoille. Empiirinen aineisto kerättiin kahtena vuotena v. 2002 ja 2003. Tutkielmaa varten haastattelin kolmea Efraim Syyrialaisen luostarin munkkia. Pääinformanttini oli ko. luostarin seminaarin teologiopiskelija. Heidän kotitaustansa on syyrialaisortodoksinen, voimakkaasti uskonnollinen. Spiritualiteettia harjoitettiin jo lapsuudessa sekä kotona että kirkossa. Tutkielmani näkökulma on uskontohistoriallinen ja uskontososiologinen. Tutkin miten varhaiset- sekä nykypäivän kilvoittelijat ovat suhtautuneet yhteiskuntaan ja miten he ovat integroituneet luostariinsa. Kysymyksessä on nykypäivän osalta laadullinen tapaustutkimus, jonka metodeina ovat teemahaastattelu, jonka yhtenä osana olivat argumentit ja osallistruva havainnointi. Analysoin vastaukset sisällön analyysiä käyttäen. Haastatellut munkit korostivat syyrian kielen ja tradition opiskelun ja sen siirtämisen tärkeyttä seminaariin opiskelemaan hakeutumisensa, ja sen jälkeen munkiksi jäämisensä perusteluna. Pyhän Efraim Syyrialaisen esimerkin munkit kokivat olevan heille hyvin tärkeän tradition siirtäjän. Opiskelemisen ja matkustamisen mahdollisuus munkkina koettiin myös tärkeänä ja siitä syystä luostariin jäätiin, eli yhteiskunnallinen syy löytyi. Sisällön analyysissä ilmeni, että alkujaan koti edusti munkille primaarista tekijää. Sekundääristä tekijää edustivat kirkkoon kuuluva ryhmä, munkit ja luostari. Kodin ja kirkossa käynnin seurauksena tradition ja syyrian kielen oppimisen halu korostui ja niitä haluttiin lähteä opiskelemaan. Positiiviseksi viiteryhmäksi tällöin muodostuivat seminaariopiskelun aikana munkit ja muut luostarin asukkaat. Luostariin jäämisensä jälkeen primaarin tekijän voidaan huomata vaihtuneen luostariksi ja kodin asema on jäänyt sekundaariseksi. Yhteys luostarin ja ympäröivän yhteiskunnan kanssa tapahtui varhaisena aikana pääasiallisesti siten, että ihmiset tulivat kilvoittelijan luokse. Nykymunkit puolestaan käyvät niiden seurakuntalaisten kotona, jotka eivät pääse yhteisiin jumalanpalveluksiin ja auttavat heitä sielunhoidollisesti ja tarvittaessa taloudellisesti. Kirkon patriarkka Mar Ignatios Zakka I Iwasilla ja metropoliitta Eusthatios Matta Rohamilla on paljon yhteyksiä myös islaminuskoiseen väestönosaa Syyriassa. Ekumeenisia yhteyksiä on munkeillakin runsaasti. Ne mahdollistuvat erilaisissa kirkon kokouksissa ja konferensseissa sekä opiskelupaikkakunnalla Kreikassa.