Trafficking in human beings and Foucauldian biopower : A case study in the expansion of the human rights phenomenon

Trafficking in human beings has become one of the most talked about criminal concerns of the 21st century. But this is not all that it has become. Trafficking has also been declared as one of the most pressing human rights issues of our time. In this sense, it has become a part of the expansion of the human rights phenomenon. Although it is easy to see that the crime of trafficking violates several of the human rights of its victims, it is still, in its essence, a fairly conventional although particularly heinous and often transnational crime, consisting of acts between private actors, and lacking, therefore, the vertical effect associated traditionally with human rights violations. This thesis asks, then, why, and how, has the anti-trafficking campaign been translated in human rights language. And even more fundamentally: in light of the critical, theoretical studies surrounding the expansion of the human rights phenomenon, especially that of Costas Douzinas, who has declared that we have come to the end of human rights as a consequence of the expansion and bureaucratization of the phenomenon, can human rights actually bring salvation to the victims of trafficking? The thesis demonstrates that the translation process of the anti-trafficking campaign into human rights language has been a complicated process involving various actors, including scholars, feminist NGOs, local activists and global human rights NGOs. It has also been driven by a complicated web of interests, the most prevalent one the sincere will to help the victims having become entangled with other aims, such as political, economical, and structural goals. As a consequence of its fragmented background, the human rights approach to trafficking seeks still its final form, consisting of several different claims. After an assessment of these claims from a legal perspective, this thesis concludes that the approach is most relevant regarding the mistreatment of victims of trafficking in the hands of state authorities. It seems to be quite common that authorities have trouble identifying the victims of trafficking, which means that the rights granted to themin international and national documents are not realized in practice, but victims of trafficking are systematically deported as illegal immigrants. It is argued that in order to understand the measures of the authorities, and to assess the usefulness of human rights, it is necessary to adopt a Foucauldian perspective and to observe the measures as biopolitical defence mechanisms. From a biopolitical perspective, the victims of trafficking can be seen as a threat to the population a threat that must be eliminated either by assimilating them to the main population with the help of disciplinary techniques, or by excluding them completely from the society. This biopolitical aim is accomplished through an impenetrable net of seemingly insignificant practices and discourses that not even the participants are aware of. As a result of these practices and discourses, trafficking victims only very few of fit the myth of the perfect victim, produced by biopolitical discourses become invisible and therefore subject to deportation as (risky) illegal immigrants, turning them into bare life in the Agambenian sense, represented by the homo sacer, who cannot be sacrificed, yet does not enjoy the protection of the society and its laws. It is argued, following Jacques Rancière and Slavoj i ek, that human rights can, through their universality and formal equality, provide bare life the tools to formulate political claims and therefore utilize their politicization through their exclusion to return to the sphere of power and politics. Even though human rights have inevitably become entangled with biopolitical practices, they are still perhaps the most efficient way to challenge biopower. Human rights have not, therefore, become useless for the victims of trafficking, but they must be conceived as a universal tool to formulate political claims and challenge power .In the case of trafficking this means that human rights must be utilized to constantly renegotiate the borders of the problematic concept of victim of trafficking created by international instruments, policies and discourses, including those that are sincerely aimed to provide help for the victims.

Onko oppimistulokset valettu betoniin? : Tutkimus Helsingin kaupunkirakenteen ja peruskoulujen oppimistulosten välisestä yhteydestä ja kouluvalintojen vaikutuksista

The aim of this study is to find out how urban segregation is connected to the differentiation in educational outcomes in public schools. The connection between urban structure and educational outcomes is studied on both the primary and secondary school level. The secondary purpose of this study is to find out whether the free school choice policy introduced in the mid-1990´s has an effect on the educational outcomes in secondary schools or on the observed relationship between the urban structure and educational outcomes. The study is quantitative in nature, and the most important method used is statistical regression analysis. The educational outcome data ranging the years from 1999 to 2002 has been provided by the Finnish National Board of Education, and the data containing variables describing the social and physical structure of Helsinki has been provided by Statistics Finland and City of Helsinki Urban Facts. The central observation is that there is a clear connection between urban segregation and differences in educational outcomes in public schools. With variables describing urban structure, it is possible to statistically explain up to 70 % of the variation in educational outcomes in the primary schools and 60 % of the variation in educational oucomes in the secondary schools. The most significant variables in relation to low educational outcomes in Helsinki are abundance of public housing, low educational status of the adult population and high numbers of immigrants in the school's catchment area. The regression model has been constructed using these variables. The lower coefficient of determination in the educational outcomes of secondary schools is mostly due to the effects of secondary school choice. Studying the public school market revealed that students selecting a secondary school outside their local catchment area cause an increase in the variation of the educational outcomes between secondary schools. When the number of students selecting a school outside their local catchment area is taken into account in the regressional model, it is possible to explain up to 80 % of the variation in educational outcomes in the secondary schools in Helsinki.

Deutschland, Deutschland über alles : Tysk föreningsverksamhet i Finland och Sverige 1910-1950

The voluntary associations dealt with in this dissertation were ethnic clubs and societies promoting the interests of German immigrants in Finland and Sweden. The associations were founded at the end of the 19th century as well as at the beginning of the 20th century during a time in which migration was high, the civil society grew rapidly and nationalism flourished. The work includes over 70 different associations in Finland and Sweden with a number of members ranging from ten to at most 2, 500. The largest and most important associations were situated in Helsinki and Stockholm where also most of the German immigrants lived. The main aim of this work is to explore to what extent and how the changes in government in Germany during 1910 to 1950 were reflected in the structures and participants, financial resources and meeting places, networks and activities of the German associations in Finland and Sweden. The study also deals with how a collective German national identity was created within the German associations. The period between 1910 and 1950 has been described by Hobsbawm as the apogee of nationalism. Nationalism and transnationalism are therefore key elements in the work. Additionally the research deals with theories about associations, networking and identity. The analysis is mostly based on minutes of meetings, descriptions of festivities, annual reports and historical outlines about the associations. Archival sources from the German legations, the German Foreign Office, and Finnish and Swedish officials such as the police and the Foreign Offices are also used. The study shows that the collective national identity in the associations during the Weimar Republic mostly went back to the time of the Wilhelmine Empire. It is argued that this fact, the cultural propaganda and the aims of the Weimar Republic to strengthen the contacts between Germany and the German associations abroad, and the role of the German legations and envoys finally helped the small groups of NSDAP to infiltrate, systematically coordinate and finally centralize the German associational life in Finland and Sweden. The Gleichschaltung did not go as smoothly as the party wanted, though. There was a small but consistent opposition that continued to exist in Finland until 1941 and in Sweden until 1945. The collective national identity was displayed much more in Sweden than in Finland, where the associations kept a lower profile. The reasons for the profile differences can be found in the smaller number of German immigrants in Finland and the greater German propaganda in Sweden, but also in the Finnish association act from 1919 and the changes in it during the 1920s and 1930s. Finally, the research shows how the loss of two world wars influenced the associations. It argues that 1918 made the German associations more vulnerable to influence from Germany, whereas 1945 brought the associational life back to where it once started as welfare, recreational and school associations.

Sosiaaliturvan ulkopuolella - kokemuksia kansalaisuuden reunalta

Muuttaessaan maasta toiseen ihminen kohtaa useita rajoja. Ylittäessään kohdemaan valtion rajan hän kulkee läpi ensimmäisestä maahanmuuton portista. Toinen raja erottaa tilapäiset asukkaat pysyvistä: tämän maahanmuuton toisen portin läpikulkemisen myötä yksilö pääsee osalliseksi sosiaalisista oikeuksista. Maahanmuuton viimeisestä portista kuljettuaan yksilö saavuttaa kyseisen valtion kansalaisuuden. (Hammar 1990, 21.) Tässä pro gradu -tutkielmassa tarkastelen toisen maahanmuuton portin aukeamista ja sosiaaliturvan piiriin pääsyä odottavien maahan-muuttajien kokemuksia. Käytän tarkastelussa sosiaalisen kansalaisuuden ja marginaalisuuden käsitteitä. Tutkielmassa selvitän, miten sosiaali- ja terveyspalveluiden sekä toimeentuloturvan ulkopuolelle jääminen vaikuttaa maahanmuuttajien arkeen ja miten he kokevat osallisuutensa ja jäsenyytensä yhteiskunnassa. Tutkimus on lähtökohdiltaan fenomenologis-hermeneuttinen ja sovellan lähestymistapana ko-kemuksiin keskittyvän narratiivista tutkimusta. Tutkimusaineisto on koottu kevään 2011 aikana ja se koostuu 10 teemahaastattelusta. Haastateltavien maahanmuuton keinot ja syyt vaihtelivat: he olivat saapuneet Suomeen perhesyistä, työn vuoksi tai hakeakseen turvaa. Haastateltavat tavoitettiin Helsingin Diakoniaopiston, Pro-tukipisteen, Kansainvälisen seurakunnan ja tuttava-verkostojen kautta. Aineiston analyysi toteutettiin sisällönanalyysillä Atlas-ohjelman avulla syksyn 2011 aikana. Toisen maahanmuuton portin aukeamisen odottaminen oli raskaaksi: tuota aikaa leimasi epä-varmuus, tyhjyys ja yksinäisyys. Sosiaaliturvan ulkopuolella jääminen aiheutti osalle haastatel-tavista taloudellisia vaikeuksia sekä ongelmia terveydenhuollon palveluiden piiriin pääsemisessä. Toisaalta apua hakeneet haastateltavat olivat sitä lopulta saaneet. Auttamistyön ammattilaiset ja maistraatti saivat haastateltavien kertomuksissa portinvartijan aseman. Kaikille sosiaaliturvan ulkopuolelle jääminen ei ollut ongelma vaan he kokivat sosiaaliturvan puutetta suuremmaksi ongelmaksi työnteko-oikeuden puuttumisen. Kuulumisen ja ulkopuolisuuden kokemus voivat olla läsnä samanaikaisesti, ja kuulumisesta neuvotellaan jatkuvasti esimerkiksi sosiaalisessa kanssakäymisessä tai palveluita hakiessa. Insti-tutionaaliset käytännöt ja poiskäännyttämisen kokemukset tuottavat marginaalisia identiteettejä. Tasavertainen oikeus sosiaaliturvaan vahvistaa kokemusta kuulumisesta ja kodista. Sosiaaliturva ei kuitenkaan yksin määritä kuulumisen ja kodin kokemusta vaan siihen vaikuttavat myös muut tekijät. Näistä tärkeimmät ovat kehon fyysinen sijoittuminen Suomeen, perhe- ja ystä-vyyssuhteet, työ, asunto ja rasismin kokemukset.