18 resultados para uncertain polynomials


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Tutkimuksessa vertailtiin metsän erirakenteisuutta edistävien poimintahakkuiden ja pienaukkohakkuiden kannattavuutta metsänhoitosuositusten mukaiseen metsänkasvatukseen Keski-Suomessa. Poimintahakkuut ja pienaukkohakkuut ovat menetelmiä, joilla voidaan lisätä luonnonmetsän häiriödynamiikan mukaista pienipiirteistä elinympäristöjen vaihtelua ja siksi ne sopivat etenkin erityiskohteisiin monimuotoisuuden, maiseman tai metsien monikäytön vuoksi. Ne johtavat yleensä vähitellen eri-ikäisrakenteiseen metsään, jossa puuston läpimittaluokkajakauma muistuttaa käänteistä J-kirjainta. Eri-ikäisrakenteisen metsänkäsittelyn taloudellista kannattavuutta puoltavat uudistumiskustannusten poisjäänti ja tukkipuihin painottuvat säännöllisin väliajoin toteutuvat hakkuut. Menetelmän soveltumista Suomen olosuhteisiin pidetään kuitenkin epävarmana. Tässä tutkimuksessa tarkasteltiin tasaikäisrakenteisen metsän muuttamista eri-ikäisrakenteiseksi 40 vuoden siirtymäaikana Metsähallituksen hallinnoimassa Isojäven ympäristöarvometsässä Kuhmoisissa. Tutkimusaineisto koostui 405 kuusivaltaisesta tasaikäisestä kuviosta, joiden pinta-alasta metsämaata on 636 hehtaaria. Metsän kehitystä simuloitiin puutason kasvumalleja käyttäen ja käsittelytoimenpiteet simuloitiin viisivuotiskausittain SIMO-metsäsuunnitteluohjelmistolla. Simulointien avulla selvitettiin jokaisen käsittelyskenaarion hakkuumäärät puutavaralajeittain, diskontatut kassavirrat ja puustopääoman muutos tarkasteluajanjakson aikana. Puunkorjuun yksikkökustannusten laskennan apuna käytettiin automatisoitua seurantajärjestelmää, jossa metsäkoneisiin asennettuilla matkapuhelimilla kerättiin MobiDoc2-sovelluksella metsäkoneiden käytöstä kiihtyvyystiedot, GPS-paikkatiedot ja syötetiedot. Lopulta jokaiselle käsittelyskenaariolle laskettiin metsän puuntuotannollista arvoa kuvaavalla tuottoarvon yhtälöllä nettonykyarvot, josta vähennettiin diskontatut puunkorjuun kustannukset. Tutkimuksen tulosten mukaan poimintahakkuun NPV oli 3 prosentin korkokannalla noin 91 % (7420 €/ha) ja pienaukkohakkuiden noin 99 % (8076 €/ha) metsänhoitosuositusten mukaisesta käsittelystä (8176 €/ha). Komparatiivinen statiikka osoitti, että korkokannan kasvattaminen 5 prosenttiin ei olennaisesti lisännyt nettonykyarvojen eroja. Poimintahakkuiden puunkorjuun yksikkökustannukset olivat 0,8 €/m3 harvennushakkuita pienemmät ja 7,2 €/m3 uudistushakkuita suuremmat. Pienaukkohakkuiden yksikkökustannukset olivat 0,7 €/m3 uudistushakkuita suuremmat.Tulosten perusteella on väistämätöntä että siirtymävaihe tasaikäisrakenteisesta eri-ikäisrakenteiseksi metsäksi aiheuttaa taloudellisia tappioita siitäkin huolimatta, että hakkuut ovat voimakkaita ja tehdään varttuneeseen kasvatusmetsään. Tappion määrä on metsän peitteisyyden ylläpidosta aiheutuva vaihtoehtoiskustannus.

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The modern subject is what we can call a self-subjecting individual. This is someone in whose inner reality has been implanted a more permanent governability, a governability that works inside the agent. Michel Foucault s genealogy of the modern subject is the history of its constitution by power practices. By a flight of imagination, suppose that this history is not an evolving social structure or cultural phenomenon, but one of those insects (moth) whose life cycle consists of three stages or moments: crawling larva, encapsulated pupa, and flying adult. Foucault s history of power-practices presents the same kind of miracle of total metamorphosis. The main forces in the general field of power can be apprehended through a generalisation of three rationalities functioning side-by-side in the plurality of different practices of power: domination, normalisation and the law. Domination is a force functioning by the rationality of reason of state: the state s essence is power, power is firm domination over people, and people are the state s resource by which the state s strength is measured. Normalisation is a force that takes hold on people from the inside of society: it imposes society s own reality its empirical verity as a norm on people through silently working jurisdictional operations that exclude pathological individuals too far from the average of the population as a whole. The law is a counterforce to both domination and normalisation. Accounting for elements of legal practice as omnihistorical is not possible without a view of the general field of power. Without this view, and only in terms of the operations and tactical manoeuvres of the practice of law, nothing of the kind can be seen: the only thing that practice manifests is constant change itself. However, the backdrop of law s tacit dimension that is, the power-relations between law, domination and normalisation allows one to see more. In the general field of power, the function of law is exactly to maintain the constant possibility of change. Whereas domination and normalisation would stabilise society, the law makes it move. The European individual has a reality as a problem. What is a problem? A problem is something that allows entry into the field of thought, said Foucault. To be a problem, it is necessary for certain number of factors to have made it uncertain, to have made it lose familiarity, or to have provoked a certain number of difficulties around it . Entering the field of thought through problematisations of the European individual human forms, power and knowledge one is able to glimpse the historical backgrounds of our present being. These were produced, and then again buried, in intersections between practices of power and games of truth. In the problem of the European individual one has suitable circumstances that bring to light forces that have passed through the individual through centuries.

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A Breakthrough of Welfare State. The inter-relationships of the civic movement, political transformation, and eroding of a hegemony based on small scale farming in the Finnish society in the late 1950's. The unusually rapid and powerful structural change; the non-parliamentary civic movements of 1956 - 1963; and the left majority in the Finnish parliament between 1958 - 1962 all took place as the Finnish welfare state started to develop. The aim of my research is to analyse the inter-relationships of these processes. The research describes the way the former semi self-sufficient, semi-proletarian and labour-intensive form of production - a simple and discriminatory system in itself - made it possible for the majority of the population to survive through hard work. For some it even provided a possibility to prosper. The waning vitality of semi self-sufficiency and small scale agriculture triggered a political ferment and started a period of searching for something new. The process was so intense that it broke up most of the parties and tore down the old consensus that was based on the power of economic and political elite. The most crucial battle of the great transformation was waged over the nature of the state: Should we build a welfare state and construct social security systems, or should we revert to the old night watchman state and, for example, cancel the modest forms of redistribution of income carried out in the 1950's? The people joining the civic movements were either cottagers of the impoverishing countryside or, quite often, people who had come from the countryside and thus had grown up under conditions of some form of solidarity that included taking care of one's own family. The Finnish social insurance developed in the midst of a change in the structure of production of the society, and it became a compromise to satisfy the needs of both the waning society of small scale agriculture and the rising proletarian society based on wage labour. The hodgepodge of political schemes and use of power became a battle between different notions of the economy and the state; the distribution of national income; and the position of Finland in the international context. This battle created a shape of an interregnum - a period of transformation including two notions of society, two alternative paths for the future and the logic of a correctional move. The transformation of Finland from a poor developing country into a prosperous society has been praised as a success story. In 1956 - 1959, when the old form of governance based on the interests of small scale agriculture and wood processing industry was in decay, and when the future seemed uncertain, the projects to reduce social benefits and efforts to distribute national income even more unequally than before led to a powerful counter-movement by citizens and started an hegemonic change and a equal socia development.