38 resultados para Iraq War, 2003- - Protest movements


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Consumerism emphasises the patient s position and freedom of choice. Consumerism is being promoted by a range of phenomena occurring in society and health care. Different actors hold different views on the patient as a consumer and on his or her participation. Consumer demand is created outside the patient physician relationship and the commercialisation of services generates new expectations with respect to physician s work. More and more patients may be interested in adopting a more equal position in the care relationship, and trying to negotiate with the physician or to even dictate how he or she should be cared for. In Finland, very little research has been conducted on patients and consumers organising themselves at national system level, patients as choosers, and physicians attitudes to various consumerist phenomena or the choice made by the patient. In the empirical data for this study, the term consumer-patient refers to active consumers and patients making choices related to their clinical care prior to a physician s diagnosis. Consumer-patients are also represented by consumer and patient organisations and movements. The main research question is: How do physicians regard the care choice made by the patient? This question is addressed from a perspective encompassing patients and consumers organised activities and individuals active behaviour in health care as well as physicians experiences and their views on patients as consumers making choices related to their care. The first part (Study I), examines the patient organisation field, information sources used including the websites of such organisations, files from Finland s Slot Machine Association, RAY, a survey conducted by a Finnish television news department and interviews of patient organisations. Based on observation and a physician survey, Study II examines physicians attitudes to the idea that patients could obtain information through consumer movements about physicians care practices before seeking medical care. Studies III−IV use a physician survey to examine physicians attitudes to direct-to-consumer-advertising of prescription drugs (DTCA) and their experiences and views of patient requests related to treatments and examinations. Study V uses comparative surveys to examine the attitudes of health care professionals and the population to the introduction of new technologies in health care, using genetic screenings and tests as an example. The number of patient organisations increased, with a particular escalation as of the 1990s. The characteristics and operating methods of the organisations varied greatly. Physicians organisations adopted a negative or neutral attitude towards the consumer movements idea of distributing information on care practices, whereas individual physicians attitudes were slightly more positive. Physicians regarded direct-to-consumer-advertising of prescription drugs as negative, but took a more permissive attitude towards indirect advertising. More than every third physician considered drug advertisements in general to be harmful or useless in the distribution of drug information to patients or consumers. More than half of physicians conducting patient work reported that they (very) often encountered patients who stated upon arrival for a consultation that they wanted specific treatments or examinations, and that the number of such situations had increased. Such situations were viewed as positive with regard to the care relationship by every fifth physician and as negative by two fifths. Physicians justified a reserved attitude to the patients consumer role by referring to their medical expertise and position as care decision-makers, the patient physician relationship and the public health care system. Reasons for a positive attitude included the patient s participation and co-operation, the patient physician relationship and the patient s knowledge. Professionals were more reserved than lay people about the introduction and extension of genetic technologies in health care. A significant minority of the physicians did not take a clear pro or con attitude to the patients consumer role or to the use of new technologies in health care. The physicians age, gender, place of work and specialisation influenced their attitudes to the patient s consumer role, and private physicians viewed it in a more positive light than those working in public health care. Active consumer-patients challenge the society to hold a discussion of the patient s choice, participation in care decision-making and participation in health care policy in general. Their transformation into customers and consumers implies not only a new division of individuals roles and powers, but also contributes to changing relationships between system level roles: between citizens and the state and between public and private health care. This phenomenon raises various issues related to health care policy. In conclusion, topics are presented for discussion, practical measures and further research. Keywords: health care, consumerism, distribution of technologies, commercialisation, physicians, patients, consumers, patient s choice, patient s role.

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Tutkimuksen tarkoitus on kartoittaa Suomen talviukkosten ominaisuuksia ja klimatologiaa. Tiedot Suomen talviukkosten klimatologista tutkimusta varten kerättiin mm. salamanpaikantimilta ja ihmisten IL:lle tiedottamista havainnoista, SYNOP-kartoilta, rintama-analyyseistä, luotauksista ja luotaustietojen pohjalta piirretyistä salamakartoista sekä sadetutkan kuvista. Tutkimuksessa määriteltiin talviukkoseksi yksi tai useampi salamahavainto säätilanteessa, jossa salamahavaintopaikkaan ja -aikaan nähden lähimmistä synop-havainnoista ainakin yhdessä on havaittu joko ≤ 0 °C lämpötila tai lumi- tai räntäsadetta. Näin rajattuna vuosina 2003-2007 talviukkostapauksia oli 19 kpl. Tapaukset jakaantuivat melko tasaisesti loka-marraskuun vaihteen ja huhtikuun välille, pienet maksimit olivat marras- ja helmikuussa. Tapausten esiintymisajankohtia rajoitti siis vain talviukkosten määritelmän mukaisten sääolosuhteiden esiintyminen. Vuorokaudenajalla ei ollut merkittävää vaikutusta talvisalamoiden esiintymiselle. Alueellisesti talviukkoset painottuivat maan lounaisosaan mutta niitä havaittiin koko maassa Käsivarren Lappia myöten. 16 tapauksessa 19:sta talviukkoset havaittiin okluusiorintamaksi analysoidun rintaman yhteydessä. Yhdessä tapauksessa rintama oli analysoitu kylmäksi ja kahdessa rintama-analyysi oli epäselvä. Matalapaineen keskus sijaitsi iskuhavaintopaikkoihin nähden yleensä lännen puolella. Lännen puolen yleisyyden aiheutti okluusiorintamien kiertosuunta myötäpäivään matalapaineen keskukseen nähden. Pintalämpötila oli lähes kaikissa talviukkostapauksissa lähellä nollaa ja havaintopaikan lähellä olevissa SYNOP-havainnoissa havaittiin useissa tapauksissa sadetta sekä vetenä että kiinteässä olomuodossa. CAPE:n arvot olivat joko nollassa tai hyvin lähellä sitä iskuhavaintoihin nähden lähimmissä luotauksissa. Lämmintä advektiota havaittiin lähes kaikissa tutkituissa luotauksissa, myös sulan meren vaikutus näkyi tuloksissa talviukkosia edistävänä tekijänä. Maasalamoita havaittiin talviukkosten yhteydessä useimmin 1 tai 2 ja iskuja salamaa kohden 1 tai 2. Havaituista maasalamoista positiivisia oli 46 % ja negatiivisia 54 %. Tapaustutkimukset tehtiin kahdesta vuosien 2003-2007 talviukkosia hyvin edustavasta tapauksesta sekä yhdestä salamamäärältään poikkeuksellisen runsaasta tapauksesta.

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A national church, freedom of religion, and the state The interpretation of freedom of religion formulated by the Synod of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland in reference to the relationship between the Church and the state from 1963 to 2003 This paper discusses the interpretation of freedom of religion formulated by the Synod of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland during the years 1963-2003. The effect of these formulations and decisions made by the Synod on the relationship between the Church and the state is also discussed as the relationship has been a central issue in the debate about freedom of religion in Finland. Active co-operation with the state caused a dispute in the Church during this period. Another cause for concern for the Synod, a strong defender of the national church, was the weakening position of the Church in a society undergoing many changes. As the Synod of 1963 discussed the status of the Church, the Church began to reflect upon its identity as a national church, and to evaluate freedom of religion in the country, as well as the relationship between the Church and the state. Some of the radicals of the 1960s and 1970s presented the Church as an obstacle to freedom of religion. The Synod was keen to emphasize that, in accordance with international agreements on human rights, freedom of religion means the freedom to have and follow a religion, and also that freedom of religion was a right of the majority in Finnish society. As an active guardian of the rights of its members, the Synod defended such issues as the teaching of religion in schools. Throughout the dispute, the Church focused on its right to act freely and, according to its identity, to express spirituality in the society. At the end of the 1960s, several efforts to reform the law on the freedom of religion and the relationship between the Church and the state gained favour in the Synod. These formulations of the Church were the basis for the work of a parliamentary committee in the 1970s, but no significant changes resulted. Instead, freedom of religion in Finland was judged to be fairly good. The committee paper did, however, lead to preparations for greater independence of the Church. The Synod at the time chose to react to the changes presented to it, but it was not before the 1990s that the Synod became an active force of reform in these matters. Though the Synod, particularly from the 1970s onwards, began clearly to favour the improvement of the position of other religious communities in Finland, it felt it had reason to be cautious as each church and religious community had the freedom to decide individually its relationship with the state. Any changes that would have weakened the position of the Church in Finnish society were met with disapproval in the Synod. Even though some theological concerns regarding the national identity of the Church were raised, the Synod emphasized issues of church policy. Keen to preserve and protect its legal status in society, the Synod judged that this status supported the freedom of action enjoyed by the Church as well as the freedom of religion.

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A national church, freedom of religion, and the state The interpretation of freedom of religion formulated by the Synod of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland in reference to the relationship between the Church and the state from 1963 to 2003 This paper discusses the interpretation of freedom of religion formulated by the Synod of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland during the years 1963-2003. The effect of these formulations and decisions made by the Synod on the relationship between the Church and the state is also discussed as the relationship has been a central issue in the debate about freedom of religion in Finland. Active co-operation with the state caused a dispute in the Church during this period. Another cause for concern for the Synod, a strong defender of the national church, was the weakening position of the Church in a society undergoing many changes. As the Synod of 1963 discussed the status of the Church, the Church began to reflect upon its identity as a national church, and to evaluate freedom of religion in the country, as well as the relationship between the Church and the state. Some of the radicals of the 1960s and 1970s presented the Church as an obstacle to freedom of religion. The Synod was keen to emphasize that, in accordance with international agreements on human rights, freedom of religion means the freedom to have and follow a religion, and also that freedom of religion was a right of the majority in Finnish society. As an active guardian of the rights of its members, the Synod defended such issues as the teaching of religion in schools. Throughout the dispute, the Church focused on its right to act freely and, according to its identity, to express spirituality in the society. At the end of the 1960s, several efforts to reform the law on the freedom of religion and the relationship between the Church and the state gained favour in the Synod. These formulations of the Church were the basis for the work of a parliamentary committee in the 1970s, but no significant changes resulted. Instead, freedom of religion in Finland was judged to be fairly good. The committee paper did, however, lead to preparations for greater independence of the Church. The Synod at the time chose to react to the changes presented to it, but it was not before the 1990s that the Synod became an active force of reform in these matters. Though the Synod, particularly from the 1970s onwards, began clearly to favour the improvement of the position of other religious communities in Finland, it felt it had reason to be cautious as each church and religious community had the freedom to decide individually its relationship with the state. Any changes that would have weakened the position of the Church in Finnish society were met with disapproval in the Synod. Even though some theological concerns regarding the national identity of the Church were raised, the Synod emphasized issues of church policy. Keen to preserve and protect its legal status in society, the Synod judged that this status supported the freedom of action enjoyed by the Church as well as the freedom of religion.

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Concordia-lehti alkaessaan ilmestyä 1994 herätti ristiriitaisia reaktioita esimerkiksi SLEY:n henkilöstön keskuudessa. Alusta alkaen avainhenkilöitä ovat olleet Hannu Lehtonen, Hannu Halonen, Simo Kiviranta ja Sakari Korpinen. Ekumeniaan Concordia on suhtautunut kriittisesti arvioidessaan Porvoon sopimusta ja Yhteistä julistusta vanhurskauttamisesta. Keskeisiä teemoja tässä lehdessä ovat olleet tutkittavana aikana yleinen ja uskon kautta tapahtuva vanhurskauttaminen, Raamatun arvovallan korostaminen, sakramenttien merkityksen esillä pitäminen ja tietyt moraaliset ja eettiset periaatteet ja näkökulmat. Concordiassa on esiintynyt runsaasti sitaatteja Martti Lutherin teoksista, melko paljon myös luterilaisen ortodoksian edustajilta, kuten Martin Chemnitziltä ja Johann Gerhardilta. Ylivoimaisesti eniten artikkeleja kymmenen vuoden aikana on tehnyt päätoimittaja, pastori Hannu Lehtonen. Kirjoittajien joukossa maallikkojen osuus on ollut huomattava. Karismaattisia ilmiöitä arvioitaessa nähtiin osan armolahjoista kuuluneen ennen kaikkea alkukirkon aikaan, vaikka samalla todettiin ihmeitä voivan tapahtua nykyaikanakin. Concordian kirjoittajat eivät hyväksyneet läheskään kaikkia Suomen evankelis-luterilaisessa kirkossa tapahtuneita päätöksiä, asioita ja ilmiöitä. Voimakkaasti todettiin, että kirkossa ei tulisi samanaikaisesti sallia sekä totuutta että erilaisia harhaoppeja. Myös evankelisen liikkeen tai muiden herätysliikkeiden toimintaa ei aina pidetty tarpeeksi rohkeana, vaan katsottiin niiden mukautuneen liikaa yhteiskuntaan ja yleiseen ja valtaa pitävään kirkollisuuteen. Esimerkiksi Helsingin yliopistossa käytettyä historiallis-kriittistä metodia parempana metodina pidettiin historiallis-dogmaattista. Opetusta maailman syntymisestä pitkän evoluutio-prosessin seurauksena ei Concordiassa hyväksytty, vaan opetettiin Jumalan luoneen maailman kuudessa päivässä. Concordiassa kirjoittajina on esiintynyt myös useita tunnustuksellisen luterilaisuuden edustajia lähinnä Yhdysvalloista ja Pohjoismaista. Tutkitun lehden merkitys kirkollisessa kentässä ei ole tilaajamäärän pienuuden vuoksi kovin merkittävä, mutta eräänlaisena taustalla vaikuttajana ja keskustelun herättäjänä vaikutus on ollut suurempi. Concordian näkemyksen mukaan suuri enemmistö ei läheskään aina ole ollut oikeassa hengellisissä kysymyksissä. Evankeliseen liikkeeseen Concordian kirjoittajilla on ollut tietynlainen viha-rakkaussuhde, vaikka se on ollut monen kirjoittajan hengellinen koti. Lehdessä esiintynyttä pietismin arviointia tutkimus ei ole kovin paljon käsitellyt, koska se ei olisi kovin hyvin sopinut eri lukujen otsi- koiden alle. Helluntailaisuuden eri opinkäsityksiä Concordia on myös pyrkinyt kumoamaan. Lehti on halunnut koko ajan perustella opetuksensa selkeillä raamatunkohdilla ja edistää näin luterilaisen uskon ja opin tuntemusta. Tässä tutkimuksessa on ollut tietoinen valinta käyttää samoja raamatunkohtia lähteenä, joita Concordian kirjoittajat ovat itse käyttäneet. Kirkkohistoriaan kuuluvassa opinnäytteessä ei ole yleensä tyypillistä käyttää näin paljon viittauksia Raamattuun, mutta tällainen dogmatiikan mukaan ottaminen on perusteltua, koska se on niin olennainen osa Concordia-lehden teologiaa ja tapaa tuoda esille asioita. Tiivistetysti todeten ihmisten ainoa vapahtaja ja pelastaja on ollut tutkitun lehden mukaan ja on edelleen Jeesus Kristus.

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From the Soviet point of view the actual substance of Soviet-Finnish relations in the second half of 1950s clearly differed from the contemporary and later public image, based on friendship and confidence rhetoric. As the polarization between the right and the left became more underlined in Finland in the latter half of the 1950s, the criticism towards the Soviet Union became stronger, and the USSR feared that this development would have influence on Finnish foreign policy. From the Soviet point of view, the security commitments of FCMA-treaty needed additional guarantees through control of Finnish domestic politics and economic relations, especially during international crises. In relation to Scandinavia, Finland was, from the Soviet point of view, the model country of friendship or neutrality policy. The influence of the Second Berlin Crisis or the Soviet-Finnish Night Frost Crisis in 1958-1959 to Soviet policy towards Scandinavia needs to be observed from this point of view. The Soviet Union used Finland as a tool, in agreement with Finnish highest political leadership, for weakening of the NATO membership of Norway and Denmark, and for maintaining Swedish non-alliance. The Finnish interest to EFTA membership in the summer of 1959, at the same time with the Scandinavian countries, seems to have caused a panic reaction in the USSR, as the Soviets feared that these economic arrangements would reverse the political advantages the country had received in Finland after the Night Frost Crisis. Together with history of events, this study observes the interaction of practical interests and ideologies, both in individuals and in decision-making organizations. The necessary social and ideological reforms in the Soviet Union after 1956 had influence both on the legitimacy of the regime, and led to contradictions in the argumentation of Soviet foreign policy. This was observed both in the own camp as well as in the West. Also, in Finland a breakthrough took place in the late 1950's: as the so-called counter reaction lost to the K-line, "a special relationship" developed with the Soviet Union. As a consequence of the Night Frost Crisis the Soviet relationship became a factor decisively defining the limits of domestic politics in Finland, a part of Finnish domestic political argumentation. Understood from this basis, finlandization is not, even from the viewpoint of international relations, a special case, but a domestic political culture formed by the relationship between a dominant state, a superpower, and a subordinate state, Finland.

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National identity signifies and makes state s defence- and foreign policy behaviour meaningful. National consciousness is narrated into existence by narratives upon one s own exceptionalism and Otherness of the other nations. While national identity may be understood merely as a self-image of a nation, defence identity refers to the borders of Otherness and issues that have been considered as worth defending for. As national identities and all the world order models are human constructions, they may be changed by the human efforts as well; states and nations may deliberately promote communitarian or even cosmopolitan equality and tolerance without borders of Otherness. The main research question of the thesis is: How does Poland constitute herself as a nation and a state agent in the current world order and to what extent have contextual foreign and defence policy interactions changed the Polish defence identity during the post-Cold War era? The main empirical argument of the thesis is: Poland is a narrated idea of a Christian Catholic nation-state, which the Polish State, the Catholic Church of Poland, the Armed Forces of Poland as well as a majority of the Polish nation share. Polish defence identity has been almost impenetrable to contextual foreign and defence policy interactions during the post-Cold War era. While Christian religious ontology binds corporate Poland together, allowing her to survive any number of military and political catastrophes, it simultaneously brings her closer to the USA, raises tensions in the infidel EU-context, and restrains corporate Poland s pursuit of communitarian, or even cosmopolitan, global equality and tolerance. It is not the case that corporate Poland s foreign and defence policy orientation is instinctively Atlanticist by nature, as has been argued. Rather, it has been the State s rational project to overcome a habituated and reified fear of becoming geopolitically sandwiched between Russian and German Others by leaning on the USA; among the Polish nation, support for the USA has been declining since 2004. It is not corporate Poland either that has turned into a constructive European , as has been argued, but rather the Polish nation that has, at least partly, managed to emancipate itself from its habituation to a betrayal by Europe narrative, since it favours the EU as much as it favours NATO. It seems that in the Polish case a truly common European CFSP vis-à-vis Russia may offer a solution that will emancipate the Polish State from its habituated EU-sceptic role identity and corporate Poland from its narrated borders of Otherness towards Russia and Germany, but even then one cannot be sure whether any other perspective than the Polish one on a common stand towards Russia would satisfy the Poles themselves.

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The occurrence and nature of civilian firearm- and explosion-injuries in Finland, and the nature of severe gunshot injuries of the extremities were described in seven original articles. The main data sources used were the National Hospital Discharge Register, the Cause-of-Death Register, and the Archive of Death Certificates at Statistics Finland. The present study was population based. Epidemiologic methods were used in six and clinical analyses in five papers. In these clinical studies, every original hospital record and death certificate was critically analyzed. The trend of hospitalized firearm injuries has slightly declined in Finland from the late 1980s to the early 2000s. The occurrence decreased from 5.1 per 100 000 person-years in 1990 to 2.6 in 2003. The decline was found in the unintentional firearm injuries. A high incidence of unintentional injuries by firearms was characteristic of the country, while violence and homicides by firearms represented a minor problem. The incidence of fatal non-suicidal firearm injuries has been stable, 1.8 cases per 100 000 person-years. Suicides using firearms were eight times more common during the period studied. This is contrary to corresponding reports from many other countries. However, the use of alcohol and illegal drugs or substances was detected in as many as one-third of the injuries studied. The median length of hospitalization was three days and it was significantly associated (p<0.001) with the type of injury. The mean length of hospital stay has decreased from the 1980s to the early 2000s. In this study, there was a special interest in gunshot injuries of the extremities. From a clinical point of view, the nature of severe extremital gunshot wounds, as well as the primary operative approach in their management, varied. The patients with severe injuries of this kind were managed at university and central hospital emergency departments, by general surgeons in smaller hospitals and by cardiothoracic or vascular surgeons in larger hospitals. Injuries were rarities and as such challenges for surgeons on call. Some noteworthy aspects of the management were noticed and these should be focused on in the future. On the other hand, the small population density and the relatively large geographic area of Finland do not favor high volume, centralized trauma management systems. However, experimental war surgery has been increasingly taught in the country from the 1990s, and excellent results could be expected during the present decade. Epidemiologically, explosion injuries can be considered a minor problem in Finland at present, but their significance should not be underestimated. Fatal explosion injuries showed up sporadically. An increase occurred from 2002 to 2004 for no obvius reason. However, in view of the historical facts, a possibility for another rare major explosion involving several people might become likely within the next decade. The national control system of firearms is mainly based on the new legislations from 1998 and 2002. However, as shown in this study, there is no reason to assume that the national hospitalization policies, or the political climate, or the legislation might have changed over the study period and influenced the declining development, at least not directly. Indeed, the reason for the decline to appear in the incidence of unintentional injuries only remains unclear. It may derive from many practical steps, e.g. locked firearm cases, or from the stability of the community itself. For effective reduction of firearm-related injuries, preventive measures, such as education and counseling, should be targeted at recreational firearm users. To sum up, this study showed that the often reported increasing trend in firearm as well as explosion-related injuries has not manifested in Finland. Consequently, it can be recognized that, overall, the Finnish legislation together with the various strategies have succeeded in preventing firearm- and explosion-related injuries in the country.

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In this thesis I examine the U.S. foreign policy discussion that followed the war between Russia and Georgia in August 2008. In the politically charged setting that preceded the presidential elections, the subject of the debate was not only Washington's response to the crisis in the Caucasus but, more generally, the direction of U.S. foreign policy after the presidency of George W. Bush. As of November 2010, the reasons for and consequences of the Russia-Georgia war continue to be contested. My thesis demonstrates that there were already a number of different stories about the conflict immediately after the outbreak of hostilities. I want to argue that among these stories one can discern a “neoconservative narrative” that described the war as a confrontation between the East and the West and considered it as a test for Washington’s global leadership. I draw on the theory of securitization, particularly on a framework introduced by Holger Stritzel. Accordingly, I consider statements about the conflict as “threat texts” and analyze these based on the existing discursive context, the performative force of the threat texts and the positional power of the actors presenting them. My thesis suggests that a notion of narrativity can complement Stritzel’s securitization framework and take it further. Threat texts are established as narratives by attaching causal connections, meaning and actorship to the discourse. By focusing on this process I want to shed light on the relationship between the text and the context, capture the time dimension of a speech act articulation and help to explain how some interpretations of the conflict are privileged and others marginalized. I develop the theoretical discussion through an empirical analysis of the neoconservative narrative. Drawing on Stritzel’s framework, I argue that the internal logic of the narrative which was presented as self-evident can be analyzed in its historicity. Asking what was perceived to be at stake in the conflict, how the narrative was formed and what purposes it served also reveals the possibility for alternative explanations. My main source material consists of transcripts of think tank seminars organized in Washington, D.C. in August 2008. In addition, I resort to the foreign policy discussion in the mainstream media.

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The Cold War era was characterized by ideological struggles that had a major impact on economic decision-making, and also on management practice. To date, however, these ideological struggles have received little attention from management and organizational scholars. To partially fill this research gap, we focus on the role of the media in these ideological struggles. Our starting point is that the media both reflect more general societal debates but also act as an agency promoting specific kinds of ideas and ideologies. In this sense, the media exercise significant power in society; this influece, however, is often subtle and easily dismissed in historical analyses focusing on political and corporate decision-making. In this article, we focus on the role of business journalism in the ideological struggles of the Cold War era. Our case in point is Finland, which is arguably a particularly interesting example due to its geo-political position between East and West. Our approach is socio-historical: we focus on the emergence and development of business journalism in the context of the specific struggles in the Finnish political and economic fields. Our analysis shows how the business journalists struggled between nationalist, pro-Soviet and pro-West political forces, but gradually developed into an increasingly influential force promoting neo-liberal ideology.

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This paper investigates the persistent pattern in the Helsinki Exchanges. The persistent pattern is analyzed using a time and a price approach. It is hypothesized that arrival times are related to movements in prices. Thus, the arrival times are defined as durations and formulated as an Autoregressive Conditional Duration (ACD) model as in Engle and Russell (1998). The prices are defined as price changes and formulated as a GARCH process including duration measures. The research question follows from market microstructure predictions about price intensities defined as time between price changes. The microstructure theory states that long transaction durations might be associated with both no news and bad news. Accordingly, short durations would be related to high volatility and long durations to low volatility. As a result, the spread will tend to be larger under intensive moments. The main findings of this study are 1) arrival times are positively autocorrelated and 2) long durations are associated with low volatility in the market.

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This study examines values education in Japanese schools at the beginning of the millennium. The topic was approached by asking the following three questions concerning the curricular background, the morality conveyed through textbooks and the characterization of moral education from a comparative viewpoint: 1) What role did moral education play in the curriculum revision which was initiated in 1998 and implemented in 2002? 2) What kinds of moral responsibilities and moral autonomy do the moral texts develop? 3) What does Japanese moral education look like in terms of the comparative framework? The research was based on curriculum research. Its primary empirical data consisted of the national curriculum guidelines for primary school, which were taken into use in 2002, and moral texts, Kokoro no nôto, published by the Ministry of Education in the same context. Since moral education was approached in the education reform context, the secondary research material involved some key documents of the revision process from the mid-1990s to 2003. The research material was collected during three fieldwork periods in Japan (in 2002, 2003 and 2005). The text-analysis was conducted as a theory-dependent qualitative content analysis. Japanese moral education was analyzed as a product of its own cultural tradition and societal answer to the current educational challenges. In order to understand better its character, secular moral education was reflected upon from a comparative viewpoint. The theory chosen for the comparative framework, the value realistic theory of education, represented the European rational education tradition as well as the Christian tradition of values education. Moral education, which was the most important school subject at the beginning of modern school, was eliminated from the curriculum for political reasons in a school reform after the Second World War, but has gradually regained a stronger position since then. It was reinforced particularly at the turn of millennium, when a curriculum revision attempted to respond to educational and learning problems by emphasizing qualitative and value aspects. Although the number of moral lessons and their status as a non-official-subject remained unchanged, the Ministry of Education made efforts to improve moral education by new curricular emphases, new teaching material and additional in-service training possibilities for teachers. The content of the moral texts was summarized in terms of moral responsibility in four moral areas (intrapersonal, interpersonal, natural-supranatural and societal) as follows: 1) continuous self-development, 2) caring for others, 3) awe of life and forces beyond human power, and 4) societal contribution. There was a social-societal and emotional emphasis in what was taught. Moral autonomy, which was studied from the perspectives of rational, affective and individuality development, stressed independence in action through self-discipline and responsibility more than rational self-direction. Japanese moral education can be characterized as the education of kokoro (heart) and the development of character, which arises from virtue ethics. It aims to overcome egoistic individualism by reciprocal and interdependent moral responsibility based on responsible interconnectedness.