28 resultados para Agrarian colonization


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This study addressed the large-scale molecular zoogeography in two brackish water bivalve molluscs, Macoma balthica and Cerastoderma glaucum, and genetic signatures of the postglacial colonization of Northern Europe by them. The traditional view poses that M. balthica in the Baltic, White and Barents seas (i.e. marginal seas) represent direct postglacial descendants of the adjacent Northeast Atlantic populations, but this has recently been challenged by observations of close genetic affinities between these marginal populations and those of the Northeast Pacific. The primary aim of the thesis was to verify, quantify and characterize the Pacific genetic contribution across North European populations of M. balthica and to resolve the phylogeographic histories of the two bivalve taxa in range-wide studies using information from mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) and nuclear allozyme polymorphisms. The presence of recent Pacific genetic influence in M. balthica of the Baltic, White and Barents seas, along with an Atlantic element, was confirmed by mtDNA sequence data. On a broader temporal and geographical scale, altogether four independent trans-Arctic invasions of Macoma from the Pacific since the Miocene seem to have been involved in generating the current North Atlantic lineage diversity. The latest trans-Arctic invasion that affected the current Baltic, White and Barents Sea populations probably took place in the early post-glacial. The nuclear genetic compositions of these marginal sea populations are intermediate between those of pure Pacific and Atlantic subspecies. In the marginal sea populations of mixed ancestry (Barents, White and Northern Baltic seas), the Pacific and Atlantic components are now randomly associated in the genomes of individual clams, which indicates both pervasive historical interbreeding between the previously long-isolated lineages (subspecies), and current isolation of these populations from the adjacent pure Atlantic populations. These mixed populations can be characterized as self-supporting hybrid swarms, and they arguably represent the most extensive marine animal hybrid swarms so far documented. Each of the three swarms still has a distinct genetic composition, and the relative Pacific contributions vary from 30 to 90 % in local populations. This diversity highlights the potential of introgressive hybridization to rapidly give rise to new evolutionarily and ecologically significant units in the marine realm. In the south of the Danish straits and in the Southern Baltic Sea, a broad genetic transition zone links the pure North Sea subspecies M. balthica rubra to the inner Baltic hybrid swarm, which has about 60 % of Pacific contribution in its genome. This transition zone has no regular smooth clinal structure, but its populations show strong genotypic disequilibria typical of a hybrid zone maintained by the interplay of selection and gene flow by dispersing pelagic larvae. The structure of the genetic transition is partly in line with features of Baltic water circulation and salinity stratification, with greater penetration of Atlantic genes on the Baltic south coast and in deeper water populations. In all, the scenarios of historical isolation and secondary contact that arise from the phylogeographic studies of both Macoma and Cerastoderma shed light to the more general but enigmatic patterns seen in marine phylogeography, where deep genetic breaks are often seen in species with high dispersal potential.

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Objective: Patients with atopic dermatitis often have a poor long-term response to conventional topical or systemic treatments. Staphylococcal superinfections, skin atrophy due to corticosteroid use, and asthma and allergic rhinitis are common. Only a few, usually short-term, studies have addressed the effects of different treatments on these problems. Tacrolimus ointment is the first topical compound suitable for long-term treatment. The aim of this thesis was to evaluate the effects of long-term topical tacrolimus treatment on cutaneous staphylococcal colonization, collagen synthesis, and symptoms and signs of asthma and allergic rhinitis. Methods: Patients with moderate-to-severe atopic dermatitis were treated with intermittent 0.1% tacrolimus ointment in prospective, open studies lasting for 6 to 48 months. In Study I, cutaneous staphylococcal colonization was followed for 6 to 12 months. In Study II, skin thickness and collagen synthesis were followed by skin ultrasound and procollagen I and III propeptide concentrations of suction blister fluid samples for 12 to 24 months and compared with a group of corticosteroid-treated atopic dermatitis patients and with a group of healthy subjects. Study III was a cross-sectional study of the occurrence of respiratory symptoms, bronchial hyper-responsiveness, and sputum eosinophilia in atopic dermatitis patients and healthy controls. In Study V, the same parameters as in Study III were assessed in atopic dermatitis patients before and after 12 to 48 months of topical tacrolimus treatment. Study IV was a retrospective follow-up of the effect of tacrolimus 0.03% ointment on severe atopic blepharoconjunctivitis and conjunctival cytology. Results: The clinical response to topical tacrolimus was very good in all studies (p≤0.008). Staphylococcal colonization decreased significantly, and the effect was sustained throughout the study (p=0.01). Skin thickness (p<0.001) and markers of collagen synthesis (p<0.001) increased in the tacrolimus-treated patients significantly, whereas they decreased or remained unchanged in the corticosteroid-treated controls. Symptoms of asthma and allergic rhinitis (p<0.0001), bronchial hyper-responsiveness (p<0.0001), and sputum eosinophilia (p<0.0001) were significantly more common in patients with atopic dermatitis than in healthy controls, especially in subjects with positive skin prick tests or elevated serum immunoglobulin E. During topical tacrolimus treatment the asthma and rhinitis (p=0.005 and p=0.002) symptoms and bronchial hyper-responsiveness (p=0.02) decreased significantly, and serum immunoglobulin E and sputum eosinophils showed a decreasing trend in patients with the best treatment response. Treatment of atopic blepharoconjunctivitis resulted in a marked clinical response and a significant decrease in eosinophils, lymphocytes, and neutrophils in the conjunctival cytology samples. No significant adverse effects or increase in skin infections occurred in any study. Conclusions: The studies included in this thesis, except the study showing an increase in skin collagen synthesis in tacrolimus-treated patients, were uncontrolled, warranting certain reservations. The results suggest, however, that tacrolimus ointment has several beneficial effects in the long-term intermittent treatment of atopic dermatitis. Tacrolimus ointment efficiently suppresses the T cell-induced inflammation of atopic dermatitis. It has a normalizing effect on the function of the skin measured by the decrease in staphylococcal colonization. It does not cause skin atrophy as do corticosteroids but restores the skin collagen synthesis in patients who have used corticosteroids. Tacrolimus ointment has no marked systemic effect, as the absorption of the drug is minimal and decreases along with skin improvement. The effects on the airway: decrease in bronchial hyper-responsiveness and respiratory symptoms, can be speculated to be caused by the decrease in T cell trafficking from the skin to the respiratory tissues as the skin inflammation resolves, as well as inhibition of epicutaneous invasion of various antigens causing systemic sensitization when the skin barrier is disrupted as in atopic dermatitis. Patients with moderate-to-severe atopic dermatitis seem to benefit from efficient long-term treatment with topical tacrolimus.

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Tutkielmassa tarkastellaan suomalaista kulutuskulttuuria ja sen muuttumista kulutuskerronnan kautta. Aineisto koostuu 39 iäkkään, 1920–1950-luvuilla syntyneen, suomalaisen kuluttajaelämäkerroista, jotka kerättiin kirjoituskilpailulla. Tutkielmassa analysoidaan informanttien kulutukseen ja rahankäyttöön liittämiä hyveitä sekä sitä, millaisista kulutuseetoksista hyveet kertovat. Elämäkertojen erittelyyn ja tulkintaan on sovellettu lähiluentaa. Analyysin avulla on rakennettu tulkinta keskiluokkaisesta kulutuseetoksesta. Tutkimuksen teoreettinen viitekehys pohjautuu kulutuksen normatiivisia merkityksiä, kulutuseetoksia ja keskiluokkaisuutta käsitteleviin tutkimuksiin. Tulkintaa ohjaa lisäksi ymmärrys tutkittavan sukupolven elämänkulusta suomalaisen kulutusyhteiskunnan kehityksen näkökulmasta. Tutkittavan sukupolven elämän aikana kotitalous on kehittynyt agraarisen yhteiskunnan omavaraisesta tuotantoyksiköstä vauraan yhteiskunnan kulutukseen ja sosiaaliseen uusintamiseen keskittyväksi instituutioksi. Palkkatyöläisyys, vapaa-aika ja kulutusmahdollisuudet ovat lisääntyneet, ja yhteiskuntaa leimaa keskiluokkaistuminen. Elämäkerroista löytyvät säästäväisyyden ja vaatimattomuuden hyveet kertovat talonpoikaisen kulutueetoksen olevan edelleen keskeinen kulutuseetos, mutta niukkuuden hyveellistämisen lisäksi kulutuskerronnasta löytyy myös modernimpia tapoja suhtautua kulutukseen. Tulkitsen kuluttajaelämäkerroista löytyvien järkevyyden, tavallisuuden ja työnteon hyveiden kertovan keskiluokkaisuudesta. Hyveellinen kuluttaminen on keskiluokkaisessa kulutuseetoksessa talonpoikaista kulutuseetosta sallivampaa. Se määrittyy niukan kuluttamisen sijaan kohtuullisen ja tavallisen kuluttamisen hyveellistämiseksi. Keskiluokkaisessa kulutuseetoksessa on hyväksyttävää nauttia kohtuudella ja järkevästi omalla työllä ansaitusta vaurastumisesta. Talonpoikaisesta kulutuseetoksesta poiketen keskiluokkainen kulutuseetos hyväksyy kulutuksesta saatavan nautinnon. Sanonta ”ensin työ, sitten huvi” kuvaa keskiluokkaisen kulutuseetoksen tapaa suhtautua vaurastumisen mukanaan tuomaan kulutuskulttuuriin ja sen nautintoihin.

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The evacuation of Finnish children to Sweden during WW II has often been called a small migration . Historical research on this subject is scarce, considering the great number of children involved. The present research has applied, apart from the traditional archive research, the framework of history-culture developed by Rüsen in order to have an all-inclusive approach to the impact of this historical event. The framework has three dimensions: political, aesthetic and cognitive. The collective memory of war children has also been discussed. The research looks for political factors involved in the evacuations during the Winter War and the Continuation War and the post-war period. The approach is wider than a purely humanitarian one. Political factors have had an impact in both Finland and Sweden, beginning from the decision-making process and ending with the discussion of the unexpected consequences of the evacuations in the Finnish Parliament in 1950. The Winter War (30.11.1939 13.3.1940) witnessed the first child transports. These were also the model for future decision making. The transports were begun on the initiative of Swedes Maja Sandler, the wife of the resigned minister of foreign affairs Rickard Sandler, and Hanna Rydh-Munck af Rosenschöld , but this activity was soon accepted by the Swedish government because the humanitarian help in the form of child transports lightened the political burden of Prime Minister Hansson, who was not willing to help Finland militarily. It was help that Finland never asked for and it was rejected at the beginning. The negative response of Minister Juho Koivisto was not taken very seriously. The political forces in Finland supporting child transports were stronger than those rejecting them. The major politicians in support belonged to Finland´s Swedish minority. In addition, close to 1 000 Finnish children remained in Sweden after the Winter War. No analysis was made of the reasons why these children did not return home. A committee set up to help Finland and Norway was established in Sweden in 1941. Its chairman was Torsten Nothin, an influential Swedish politician. In December 1941 he appealed to the Swedish government to provide help to Finnish children under the authority of The International Red Cross. This plea had no results. The delivery of great amounts of food to Finland, which was now at war with Great Britain, had automatically caused reactions among the allies against the Swedish imports through Gothenburg. This included the import of oil, which was essential for the Swedish navy and air force. Oil was later used successfully to force a reduction in commerce between Sweden and Finland. The contradiction between Sweden´s essential political interests and humanitarian help was solved in a way that did not harm the country´s vital political interests. Instead of delivering help to Finland, Finnish children were transported to Sweden through the organisations that had already been created. At the beginning of the Continuation War (25.6.1941 27.4.1945) negative opinion regarding child transports re-emerged in Finland. Karl-August Fagerholm implemented the transports in September 1941. In 1942, members of the conservative parties in the Finnish Parliament expressed their fear of losing the children to the Swedes. They suggested that Finland should withdraw from the inter-Nordic agreement, according to which the adoptions were approved by the court of the country where the child resided. This initiative failed. Paavo Virkkunen, an influential member of the conservative party Kokoomus in Finland, favoured the so-called good-father system, where help was delivered to Finland in the form of money and goods. Virkkunen was concerned about the consequences of a long stay in a Swedish family. The risk of losing the children was clear. The extreme conservative party (IKL, the Patriotic Movement of the Finnish People) wanted to alienate Finland from Sweden and bring Finland closer to Germany. Von Blücher, the German ambassador to Finland, had in his report to Berlin, mentioned the political consequences of the child transports. Among other things, they would bring Finland and Sweden closer to each other. He had also paid attention to the Nordic political orientation in Finland. He did not question or criticize the child transports. His main interest was to increase German political influence in Finland, and the Nordic political orientation was an obstacle. Fagerholm was politically ill-favoured by the Germans, because he had a strong Nordic political disposition and had criticised Germany´s activities in Norway. The criticism of child transports was at the same time criticism of Fagerholm. The official censorship organ of the Finnish government (VTL) denied the criticism of child transports in January 1942. The reasons were political. Statements made by members of the Finnish Parliament were also censored, because it was thought that they would offend the Swedes. In addition, the censorship organ used child transports as a means of active propaganda aimed at improving the relations between the two countries. The Finnish Parliament was informed in 1948 that about 15 000 Finnish children still remained in Sweden. These children would stay there permanently. In 1950 the members of the Agrarian Party in Finland stated that Finland should actively strive to get the children back. The party on the left (SKDL, the Democratic Movement of Finnish People) also focused on the unexpected consequences of the child transports. The Social Democrats, and largely Fagerholm, had been the main force in Finland behind the child transports. Members of the SKDL, controlled by Finland´s Communist Party, stated that the war time authorities were responsible for this war loss. Many of the Finnish parents could not get their children back despite repeated requests. The discussion of the problem became political, for example von Born, a member of the Swedish minority party RKP, related this problem to foreign policy by stating that the request to repatriate the Finnish children would have negative political consequences for the relations between Finland and Sweden. He emphasized expressing feelings of gratitude to the Swedes. After the war a new foreign policy was established by Prime Minister (1944 1946) and later President (1946 1956) Juho Kusti Paasikivi. The main cornerstone of this policy was to establish good relations with the Soviet Union. The other, often forgotten, cornerstone was to simultaneously establish good relations with other Nordic countries, especially Sweden, as a counterbalance. The unexpected results of the child evacuation, a Swedish initiative, had violated the good relations with Sweden. The motives of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People were much the same as those of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People. Only the ideology was different. The Nordic political orientation was an obstacle to both parties. The position of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People was much better than that of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People, because now one could clearly see the unexpected results, which included human tragedy for the many families who could not be re-united with their children despite their repeated requests. The Swedes questioned the figure given to the Finnish Parliament regarding the number of children permanently remaining in Sweden. This research agrees with the Swedes. In a calculation based on Swedish population registers, the number of these children is about 7 100. The reliability of this figure is increased by the fact that the child allowance programme began in Sweden in 1948. The prerequisite to have this allowance was that the child be in the Swedish population register. It was not necessary for the child to have Swedish nationality. The Finnish Parliament had false information about the number of Finnish children who remained in Sweden in 1942 and in 1950. There was no parliamentary control in Finland regarding child transports, because the decision was made by one cabinet member and speeches by MPs in the Finnish Parliament were censored, like all criticism regarding child transports to Sweden. In Great Britain parliamentary control worked better throughout the whole war, because the speeches regarding evacuation were not censored. At the beginning of the war certain members of the British Labour Party and the Welsh Nationalists were particularly outspoken about the scheme. Fagerholm does not discuss to any great extent the child transports in his memoirs. He does not evaluate the process and results as a whole. This research provides some possibilities for an evaluation of this sort. The Swedish medical reports give a clear picture of the physical condition of the Finnish children when arriving in Sweden. The transports actually revealed how bad the situation of the poorest children was. According to Titmuss, similar observations were made in Great Britain during the British evacuations. The child transports saved the lives of approximately 2 900 children. Most of these children were removed to Sweden to receive treatment for illnesses, but many among the healthy children were undernourished and some suffered from the effects of tuberculosis. The medical inspection in Finland was not thorough. If you compare the figure of 2 900 children saved and returned with the figure of about 7 100 children who remained permanently in Sweden, you may draw the conclusion that Finland as a country failed to benefit from the child transports, and that the whole operation was a political mistake with far-reaching consequenses. The basic goal of the operation was to save lives and have all the children return to Finland after the war. The difficulties with the repatriation of the children were mainly psychological. The level of child psychology in Finland at that time was low. One may question the report by Professor Martti Kaila regarding the adaptation of children to their families back in Finland. Anna Freud´s warnings concerning the difficulties that arise when child evacuees return are also valid in Finland. Freud viewed the emotional life of children in a way different from Kaila: the physical survival of a small child forces her to create strong emotional ties to the person who is looking after her. This, a characteristic of all small children, occurred with the Finnish children too, and it was something the political decision makers in Finland could not see during and after the war. It is a characteristic of all little children. Yet, such experiences were already evident during the Winter War. The best possible solution had been to limit the child transports only to children in need of medical treatment. Children from large and poor families had been helped by organising meals and by buying food from Denmark with Swedish money. Assisting Finland by all possible means should have been the basic goal of Fagerholm in September 1941, when the offer of child transports came from Sweden. Fagerholm felt gratitude towards the Swedes. The risks became clear to him only in 1943. The war children are today a rather scattered and diffuse group of people. Emotionally, part of these children remained in Sweden after the war. There is no clear collective memory, only individual memories; the collective memory of the war children has partly been shaped later through the activities of the war child associations. The main difference between the children evacuated in Finland (for example from Karelia to safer areas with their families) and the war children, who were sent abroad, is that the war children lack a shared story and experience with their families. They were outsiders . The whole matter is sensitive to many of such mothers and discussing the subject has often been avoided in families. The war-time censorship has continued in families through silence and avoidance and Finnish politicians and Finnish families had to face each other on this issue after the war. The lack of all-inclusive historical research has also prevented the formation of a collective awareness among war children returned to Finland or those remaining permanently abroad.. Knowledge of historical facts will help war-children by providing an opportunity to create an all-inclusive approach to the past. Personal experiences should be regarded as part of a large historical entity shadowed by war and where many political factors were at work in both Finland and Sweden. This means strengthening of the cognitive dimension discussed in Rüsen´s all-inclusive historical approach.

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ABSTRACT The author Zacharias Topelius as a religious educator The present study concerns the author Zacharias Topelius (1818-98) as a religious educator. The study´s main questions are as follows: What is the theological and pedagogical content of Topelius books and how is his religious instruction linked with the history of his time. The primary sources are his educational books Naturens bok (The Book of the Nature, 1856), Boken om vårt land (The Book of our Land, 1875) and Evangelium för Barnen (Gospel for Children, 1893), as well as his storybooks Läsning för barn I-VIII (Reading for Children I-VIII, 1865-96). The dissertation concerns the his-tory of religious education. Its primary method is background-based systematic analy-sis. In Topelius children s books the view of God is characterised both as an omnipresent spirit and as Providence, who guides world history according to his plan. In addition to Lutheranism this view is also influenced by Nationalism and Romanticism. The theological content of the books emphasises instruction in Christian life that is natural to normative children s books. Topelius strongly expresses the importance of a personal relationship to God, an idealistic Christian view of one s fellow man and of one s own nation as well as the value of nature conservation. The books of Topelius were some of the first educational works on nature preservation in Finland. The didactic quality of Topelius children s books was high for 19th century Finland. Their main emphasis in terms of educational goals is on civilisation (Bildung), self-awareness, national solidarity and living idealism. The pedagogical argumentation is mostly based on theological, historical, social and rational reasoning. The primary principles in Topelius teaching are Christian nationalism, idealistic harmony and the agrarian bourgeois. Christian nationalism is the main element of Topelius religious education. He considers the fatherland as a God-given project and the taking care of it as a part of holy service. Idealistic harmony is seen as the comprehensive development of one s character in the sense of romantic idealism. The agrarian bourgeois principle combines the Finnish peasant tradition with the values of 19th century modern bourgeois culture. I have named Topelius vision of religious education the Christian national project of civilisation (Bildung). Its main theses are home, religion and fatherland. The author himself strongly believed in this vision and never questioned it despite its national chauvinism and theological inconsistency. The religious ideology represented in Topelius educational works and storybooks was popular among pedagogues during the whole era of the Finnish folk school. It fit per-fectly with the Christian national discourse stemming from 19th century ideological ten-dencies. Due to their appropriate content combined with their practical language and pedagogical methods, the books were popular both at school and in the home for a long period of time. Therefore the books of Topelius aptly symbolise the religious education of their time and manifest their author s pedagogical talent as a national religious educator and as a populariser of Christian nationalism. Topelius books have had a lasting influence on Finnish religiosity. Key words: Topelius, theology, religion, education, nationalism and national project

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In this study of symbolic power relations in a transnational merger, we suggest that the popular media can provide a significant arena for (re)constructing national identities and power in this kind of dramatic industrial restructuring, and are an under-utilized source of empirical data in research studies. Focusing on the press coverage of a recent Swedish-Finnish merger, we specify and illustrate a particular feature of discursive (re)construction of asymmetric power relations; superior (Swedish) and inferior (Finnish) national identities, which, we argue, are embedded in the history of colonization and domination between the two nations. The findings of the present study lead us to suggest that a lens taken from post-colonial theory is particularly useful in understanding the wider symbolic power implications of international industrial restructuring.

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Streptococcus pneumoniae (pneumococcus) is a normal inhabitant of the human nasopharynx. Symptoms occur in only a small proportion of those who become carriers, but the ubiquity of the organism in the human population results in a large burden of disease. S. pneumoniae is the leading bacterial cause of pneumonia, sepsis, and meningitis worldwide, causing the death of a million children each year. Middle-ear infection is the most common clinical manifestation of mucosal pneumococcal infections. In invasive disease, S. pneumoniae gains access to the bloodstream and spreads to normally sterile parts of the body. The progression from asymptomatic colonization to disease depends on factors characteristic of specific pneumococcal strains as well as the status of host defenses. The polysaccharide capsule surrounding the bacterium is considered to be the most important factor affecting the virulence of pneumococci. It protects pneumococci from phagocytosis and also may determine its affinity to the respiratory epithelium. S. pneumoniae as a species comprises more than 90 different capsular serotypes, but not all of them are equally prevalent in human diseases. Invasive serotypes are rarely isolated from healthy carriers, but relatively often cause invasive disease. Serotypes that are carried asymptomatically for a long time behave like opportunistic pathogens, causing disease in patients who have impaired immune defenses. The complement system is a collection of blood and cell surface proteins that act as a major primary defense against invading microbes. Phagocytic cells with receptors for complement proteins can engulf and destroy pneumococcal cells opsonized with these proteins. S. pneumoniae has evolved a number of ways to subvert mechanisms of innate immunity, and this is likely to contribute to its pathogenicity. The capsular serotype, proteins essential for virulence, as well the genotype, may all influence the ability of pneumococcus to resist complement and its potential to cause disease. Immunization with conjugate vaccines produces opsonic antibodies, which enhance complement deposition and clearance of the bacteria. The pneumococcal vaccine included in the Finnish national immunization program in 2010 contains the most common serotypes causing invasive disease. Clinical data suggest that protection from middle-ear infection and possibly also from invasive disease depends largely on the capsular serotype, for reasons hitherto unknown. The general aim of this thesis is to assess the relative roles of the pneumococcal capsule and virulence proteins in complement evasion and subsequent opsonophagocytic killing. The main question is whether differences between serotypes to resist complement explain the different abilities of serotypes to cause disease. The importance of particular virulence factors to the complement resistance of a strain may vary depending on its genotype. Prior studies have evaluated the effect of the capsule and virulence proteins on complement resistance of S. pneumoniae by comparing only a few strains. In this thesis, the role of pneumococcal virulence factors in the complement resistance of the bacterium was studied in several genotypically different strains. The ability of pneumococci to inhibit deposition of the complement protein C3 on the bacterial surface was found to depend on the capsular serotype as well as on other features of the bacteria. The results suggest that pneumococcal histidine triad (Pht) proteins may play a role in complement inhibition, but their contribution depends on the bacterial genotype. The capsular serotype was found to influence complement resistance more than the bacterial genotype. A higher concentration of anticapsular antibodies was required for the opsonophagocytic killing of serotypes resistant to C3 deposition. The invasive serotypes were more resistant to C3 deposition than the opportunistic serotypes, suggesting that the former are better adapted to resist immune mechanisms controlling the development of invasive disease. The different susceptibilities of serotypes to complement deposition, opsonophagocytosis, and resultant antibody-mediated protection should be taken into account when guidelines for serological correlates for vaccine efficacy evaluations are made. The results of this thesis suggest that antibodies in higher quantity or quality are needed for efficient protection against the invasive serotypes.

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The Legacy of Poverty. A Study of the substance and continuity of cultural knowledge in Finnish biographical and proverbial texts The study focuses on the idea of the cultural knowledge and shared understanding that ordinary people, folk , have of the concepts and ideas about rural based poverty in Finland. Throughout 19th century and well into 20th century, the majority of the population remained agrarian and poor. By the 1950s, most people still lived in rural areas and a majority of them earned their living primarily from agriculture and forestry. Urbanization proceeded rapidly from the 1960s onwards. Even though the Nordic welfare state was firmly established in Finland by the 1970s, old forms of agrarian poverty still remained in the culture. The source material for the study consists of 99 biographies and 502 proverbs. Biographical texts include written autobiographies and interviewed biographies. A primary analyzing concept is called a poverty speech. The poverty speech has been analyzed by providing answers to the following three questions: What connotations do people attach to poverty when they speak about it? What sort of social relations arise when people speak about poverty? How is the past experience of poverty constructed in the present and in the welfare state context? Cultural knowledge is a theoretical and analytical tool that enables people to categorize information. The three questions stated above are crucial in revealing the schematic structure that people use to communicate about agrarian poverty. Categories are analyzed and processed in terms of cultural themes that contain the ideals and stereotypes of spoken motif and sub-themes. The application of theoretical and analytical premises to the poverty speech has shown that there are four cultural themes. The first theme is Power. The social connotations in the poverty speech are mostly in relation to the better-off people. Poverty does not exist without an awareness of welfare, i.e. the understanding of a certain standard of welfare above that of one's own. The second theme is about family ties as a resource and welfare network. In poverty speech, marriage is represented as a means to upgrade one's livelihood. Family members are described as supporting one another, but at the same time as being antagonists. The third theme, Work represents the work ethic that is being connected to the poverty. Hard working as a representation is attached to eligibility for `a good life´ that in Finland was to become an owner-occupier of a cottage or a flat. The fourth theme is Security. The resentment of unfair treatment is expressed by using moral superiority and rational explanations. The ruling classes in the agrarian society are portrayed as being evil and selfish with no social conscience because they did not provide enough assistance to those who needed it. During the period when the welfare benefit system was undeveloped, the poor expected the wealthier people to make a contribution to the distribution of material wealth. In the premises of cultural knowledge, both oral and written traditions are about human thinking: they deal with topics, ideas and evaluations that are relevant to their bearers. Many elements expressed in poverty speech, such as classifications and customs derived from the rural world, have been carried over into the next generation in newer contexts and a different cultural environment. Keywords: cultural knowledge, cognitive categorization, poverty, life stories, proverbs

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Housepits have a remarkably short research history as compared to Fennoscandian archaeological research on the Stone Age in general. The current understanding of the numbers and the distribution of Stone Age housepits in the Nordic countries has, for the most part, been shaped by archaeological studies carried out over the last twenty to thirty years. The main subjects of this research are Neolithic housepits, which are archaeological remains of semi-subterranean pithouses. This dissertation consists of five peer-reviewed articles and a synthesis paper. The articles deal with the development of housepits as seen in the data gathered from Finland (the Lake Saimaa area and south-eastern Finland) and Russia (the Karelian Isthmus). This synthesis expands the discussion of the changes observed in the Papers to include Fennoscandian housepit research as a whole. Certain changes in the size, shape, environmental location, and clustering of housepits extended into various cultures and ecological zones in northern Fennoscandia. Previously, the evolution of housepits has been interpreted to have been caused by the adaptation of Neolithic societies to prevailing environmental circumstances or to re-organization following contacts with the agrarian Corded Ware/Battle Axe Cultures spreading to North. This dissertation argues for two waves of change in the pithouse building tradition. Both waves brought with them certain changes in the pithouses themselves and in the practices of locating the dwellings in the environment/landscape. The changes in housepits do not go hand in hand with other changes in material culture, nor are the changes restricted to certain ecological environments. Based on current information, it appears that the changes relate primarily to the spread of new concepts of housing and possibly to new technology, as opposed to representing merely a local response to environmental factors. This development commenced already before the birth of the Corded Ware/Battle Axe Cultures. Therefore, the changes are argued to have resulted from the spreading of new ideas through the same networks that actively distributed commodities, exotic goods, and raw materials over vast areas between the southern Baltic Sea, the north-west Russian forest zone, and Fennoscandia.

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Autoimmune polyendocrinopathy-candidiasis-ectodermal dystrophy (APECED, APS1) is an autoimmune disease caused by a loss-of function mutation in the autoregulator gene (AIRE). Patients with APECED suffer from chronic mucocutaneous candidosis (CMC) of the oral cavity and oesophagus often since early childhood. The patients are mainly colonized with Candida albicans and decades of exposure to antifungal agents have lead to the development of clinical and microbiological resistance in the treatment of CMC in the APECED patient population in Finland. A high incidence of oral squamous cell carcinoma is associated with oral CMC lesions in the APECED patients over the age of 25. The overall aim of this study was firstly, to investigate the effect of long-term azole exposure on the metabolism of oral C. albicans isolates from APECED patients with CMC and secondly, to analyse the specific molecular mechanisms that are responsible for these changes. The aim of the first study was to examine C. albicans strains from APECED patients and the level of cross-resistance to miconazole, the recommended topical compound for the treatment of oral candidosis. A total of 16% of the strains had decreased susceptibility to miconazole and all of these isolates had decreased susceptibility to fluconazole. Miconazole MICs also correlated with MICs to voriconazole and posaconazole. A significant positive correlation between the years of miconazole exposure and the MICs to azole antifungal agents was also found. These included azoles the patients had not been exposed to. The aim of our second study was to determine if the APECED patients are continuously colonized with the same C. albicans strains despite extensive antifungal treatment and to gain a deeper insight into the genetic changes leading to azole resistance. The strains were typed using MLST and our results confirmed that all patients were persistently colonized with the same or a genetically related strain despite antifungal treatment between isolations. No epidemic strains were found. mRNA expression was analysed by Northern blotting, protein level by western blotting, and TAC1 and ERG11 genes were sequenced. The main molecular mechanisms resulting in azole resistance were gain-of-function mutations in TAC1 leading to over expression of CDR1 and CDR2, genes linked to azole resistance. Several strains had also developed point mutations in ERG11, another gene linked to azole resistance. In the third study we used gas chromatography to test whether the level of carcinogenic acetaldehyde produced by C. albicans strains isolated from APECED patients were different from the levels produced by strains isolated from healthy controls and oral carcinoma patients. Acetaldehyde is a carcinogenic product of alcohol fermentation and metabolism in microbes associated with cancers of the upper digestive tract. In yeast, acetaldehyde is a by-product of the pyruvate bypass that converts pyruvate into acetyl-CoA during fermentation. Our results showed that strains isolated from APECED patients produced mutagenic levels of acetaldehyde in the presence of glucose (100mM, 18g/l) and the levels produced were significantly higher than those from strains isolated from controls and oral carcinoma patients. All strains in the study, however, were found to produce mutagenic levels of acetaldehyde in the presence of ethanol (11mM). The glucose and ethanol levels used in this study are equivalent to those found in food and beverages and our results highlight the role of dietary sugars and ethanol on carcinogenesis. The aims of our fourth study were to research the effect of growth conditions in the levels of acetaldehyde produced by C. albicans and to gain deeper insight into the role of different genes in the pyruvate-bypass in the production of high acetaldehyde levels. Acetaldehyde production in the presence of glucose increased by 17-fold under moderately hypoxic conditions compared to the levels produced under normoxic conditions. Under moderately hypoxic conditions acetaldehyde levels did not correlate with the expression of ADH1 and ADH2, genes catalyzing the oxidation of ethanol to acetaldehyde, or PDC11, the gene catalyzing the oxidation of pyruvate to acetaldehyde but correlated with the expression of down-stream genes ALD6 and ACS1. Our results highlight a problem where indiscriminate use of azoles may influence azole susceptibility and lead to the development of cross-resistance. Despite clinically successful treatment leading to relief of symptoms, colonization by C. albicans strains is persistent within APECED patients. Microevolution and point mutations that occur in strains may lead to the development of azole-resistant isolates and metabolic changes leading to increased production of carcinogenic acetaldehyde.

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Campylobacter, mainly Campylobacter jejuni and C. coli, are worldwide recognized as a major cause of bacterial food-borne gastroenteritis. Epidemiological studies have shown handling or eating of poultry to be significant risk factors for human infections. Campylobacter contamination can occur at all stages of a poultry meat production cycle. The aim of this thesis was to study the occurrence and diversity of Campylobacter in broiler and turkey production in Finland. In summer 1999, 2.9 % of slaughtered broiler flocks were Campylobacter-positive. From the isolated strains 94 % were C. jejuni and 6% were C. coli. During years 2005-2006 one turkey parent flock, the hatchery, six different commercial turkey farms and different stages of the slaughterhouse were monitored during one and the half year. No Campylobacter were detected in either of the samples from the turkey parent flock or from the hatchery using the culture method. Instead PCR detected DNA of Campylobacter from the turkey parent flock and samples from the hatchery. Six out of 12 commercial turkey flocks were found negative at the farm level but only two of those were negative at slaughter. Campylobacter-positive samples within the flock at slaughter were detected between 0% and 94% with evisceration and chilling water being the most critical stages for contamination. All of Campylobacter isolates were shown to be C. jejuni. Campylobacter-positive turkey flocks were colonized by a limited number of Campylobacter genotypes both at the farm and slaughter level. In conclusion, in our first study in 1999 a low prevalence of Campylobacter in Finnish broiler flocks was detected and it has remained at a low level during the study period until the present. In the turkey meat production, we found that flocks which were negative at the farm became contaminated with Campylobacter at the slaughter process. These results suggest that proper and efficient cleaning and disinfection of slaughter and processing premises are needed to avoid cross-contamination. Prevention of colonization at the farm by a high level of biosecurity control and hygiene may be one of the most efficient ways to reduce the amount of Campylobacter-positive poultry meat in Finland. With a persistent low level of Campylobacter-positive flocks, it could be speculated that the use of logistic slaughtering, according to Campylobacter status at farm, might have be advantageous in reducing Campylobacter contamination of retail poultry products. However, the significance of the domestic poultry meat for human campylobacteriosis in Finland should be evaluated.

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Campylobacter, mainly Campylobacter jejuni and C. coli, are worldwide recognized as a major cause of bacterial food-borne gastroenteritis (World Health Organization 2010). Epidemiological studies have shown handling or eating of poultry to be significant risk factors for human infections. Campylobacter contamination can occur at all stages of a poultry meat production cycle. In summer 1999, every broiler flock from all three major Finnish poultry slaughterhouses was studied during a five month period. Caecal samples were taken in the slaughterhouses from five birds per flock. A total of 1 132 broiler flocks were tested and 33 (2.9%) of those were Campylobacter-positive. Thirty-one isolates were identified as C. jejuni and two isolates were C. coli. The isolates were serotyped for heat-stable antigens (HS) and genotyped by pulsed-field gel electrophoresis (PFGE). The most common serotypes found were HS 6,7, 12 and 4-complex. Using a combination of SmaI and KpnI patterns, 18 different PFGE types were identified. Thirty-five Finnish C. jejuni strains with five SmaI/SacII PFGE types selected among human and chicken isolates from 1997 and 1998 were used for comparison of their PFGE patterns, amplified fragment length polymorphism (AFLP) patterns, HaeIII ribotypes, and HS serotypes. The discriminatory power of PFGE, AFLP and ribotyping with HaeIII were shown to be at the same level for this selected set of strains, and these methods assigned the strains into the same groups. The PFGE and AFLP patterns within a genotype were highly similar, indicating genetic relatedness. An HS serotype was distributed among different genotypes, and different serotypes were identified within one genotype. From one turkey parent flock, the hatchery, six different commercial turkey farms (together 12 flocks) and from 11 stages at the slaughterhouse a total of 456 samples were collected during one and the half year. For the detection of Campylobacter both conventional culture and a PCR method were used. No Campylobacter were detected in either of the samples from the turkey parent flock or from the hatchery samples using the culture method. Instead PCR detected DNA of Campylobacter in five faecal samples from the turkey parent flock and in one fluff and an eggshell sample. Six out of 12 commercial turkey flocks were found negative at the farm level but only two of those were negative at slaughter. Campylobacter-positive samples within the flock at slaughter were detected between 0% and 94%, with evisceration and chilling water being the most critical stages for contamination. All of a total of 121 Campylobacter isolates were shown to be C. jejuni using a multiplex PCR assay. PFGE analysis of all isolates with KpnI restriction enzyme resulted in 11 PFGE types (I-XI) and flaA-SVR typing yielded nine flaA-SVR alleles. Three Campylobacter-positive turkey flocks were colonized by a limited number of Campylobacter genotypes both at the farm and slaughter level.In conclusion, in our first study in 1999 a low prevalence of Campylobacter in Finnish broiler flocks was detected and it has remained at a low level during the study period until the present. In the turkey meat production, we found that flocks which were negative at the farm became contaminated with Campylobacter at the slaughter process. These results suggest that proper and efficient cleaning and disinfection of slaughter and processing premises are needed to avoid cross-contamination. Prevention of colonization at the farm by a high level of biosecurity control and hygiene may be one of the most efficient ways to reduce the amount of Campylobacter-positive poultry meat in Finland. In Finland, with a persistent low level of Campylobacter-positive flocks, it could be speculated that the use of logistic slaughtering, according to Campylobacter status at farm, might have be advantageous in reducing Campylobacter contamination of retail poultry products. However, the significance of the domestic poultry meat for human campylobacteriosis in Finland should be evaluated.

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The Master’s thesis examines whether and how decolonial cosmopolitanism is empirically traceable in the attitudes and practices of Costa Rican activists working in transnational advocacy organizations. Decolonial cosmopolitanism is defined as a form of cosmopolitanism from below that aims to propose ways of imagining – and putting into practice – a truly globe-encompassing civic community not based on relations of domination but on horizontal dialogue. This concept has been developed by and shares its basic presumptions with the theory on coloniality that the modernity/coloniality/decoloniality research group is putting forward. It is analyzed whether and how the workings of coloniality as underlying ontological assumption of decolonial cosmopolitanism and broadly subsumable under the three logics of race, capitalism, and knowledge, are traceable in intermediate postcolonial transnational advocacy in Costa Rica. The method of analysis chosen to approach these questions is content analysis, which is used for the analysis of qualitative semi-structured in-depth interviews with Costa Rican activists working in advocacy organizations with transnational ties. Costa Rica was chosen as it – while unquestionably a Latin American postcolonial country and thus within the geo-political context in which the concept was developed – introduces a complex setting of socio-cultural and political factors that put the explanatory potential of the concept to the test. The research group applies the term ‘coloniality’ to describe how the social, political, economic, and epistemic relations developed during the colonization of the Americas order global relations and sustain Western domination still today through what is called the logic of coloniality. It also takes these processes as point of departure for imagining how counter-hegemonic contestations can be achieved through the linking of local struggles to a global community that is based on pluriversality. The issues that have been chosen as most relevant expressions of the logic of coloniality in the context of Costa Rican transnational advocacy and that are thus empirically scrutinized are national identity as ‘white’ exceptional nation with gender equality (racism), the neoliberalization of advocacy in the Global South (capitalism), and finally Eurocentrism, but also transnational civil society networks as first step in decolonizing civic activism (epistemic domination). The findings of this thesis show that the various ways in which activists adopt practices and outlooks stemming from the center in order to empower themselves and their constituencies, but also how their particular geo-political position affects their work, cannot be reduced to one single logic of coloniality. Nonetheless, the aspects of race, gender, capitalism and epistemic hegemony do undeniably affect activist cosmopolitan attitudes and transnational practices. While the premisses on which the concept of decolonial cosmopolitanism is based suffer from some analytical drawbacks, its importance is seen in its ability to take as point of departure the concrete spaces in which situated social relations develop. It thus allows for perceiving the increasing interconnectedness between different levels of social and political organizing as contributing to cosmopolitan visions combining local situatedness with global community as normative horizon that have not only influenced academic debate, but also political projects.