26 resultados para Instituto de Filología


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[ES] Cada vez son más habituales las voces que intentan amortiguar las estridencias contrastivas entre Edad Media y Renacimiento, sobre todo cuando en lo menudo de una actividad tan elemental como la gramatical del comentario de textos la estabilidad de las contundentes antítesis resulta difícil asegurarla. Apoyándose en textos representativos del pensamiento tanto teórico como práctico al respecto de la declaración de autores, el autor del presente artículo prefiere alinearse con los que de un tiempo a esta parte intentan conciliar matizadamente las divergencias -alegorización/historicidad; historicidad/clasicidad- aun dentro del mismo período renacentista. Sin desatender la enorme lección de los humanistas sobre lo que debe ser una cabal filología, concebida no como conocimiento autosuficiente, sino como ámbito privilegiado desde donde confluir con infinidad de otros, a mayores el de la vida.

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Este artículo forma parte de la investigación realizada en el marco de la tesis de licenciatura de su autora: "La red viaria romana en el norte de Burgos. Valles de Mena, Losa y Sotoscueva. Vía Pisoraca- Flauiobriga. Via Flauiobriga-Iuliobriga. Vías secundarias", leída en el Departamento de Estudios Clásicos de la Facultad de Filología, Geografía e Historia de la UPV/EHU el 9 de octubre de 1996.

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By means of this analysis, we have endeavored to evaluate and understand both the influence that the IETcc started to bear on scientific progress in Bilbao, mainly during the 1960s and the 1970s, as well as the determined efforts of the local financial and industrial elite of the time to transform Bilbao into the great metropolis of the north, i.e. the economic capital of that part of Spain, using as a model, among other metropolises, New York, the financial capital of America, and Pittsburg, the industrial capital. The various means to accomplish this have been studied: from the institutions of investigation, exposition and information which would initiate the longed for scientific progress, to the pathways for reproducing the fascinating American way.

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[EUS] Lan honetan aurkikuntza baten berri ematen dugu: Plentziako armarri batean aurkitutako hiru euskal esaera zahar (1603) aurkezten eta hizkuntzaren eta historiaren ikuspuntutik aztertzen ditugu. Hiru esaerotatik bi «Refranes y sentencias» 1596) lanean agertzen dira, eta hori datu garrantzitsua da; izan ere, Lakarrak 1996) errefrau-bilduma anonimo horren jatorriaz egindako proposamena berresteko argudio berria da. Zehazki, Bizkaiko ipar-mendebala proposatu zuen Lakarrak bildumako errefrauen jatorri gisa. Beste alde batetik, Bizkaiko ipar-mendebaleko euskararen zenbait ezaugarri baliatuta, Arrasateko erreketari buruzko zenbait kantu eremu horretan sortu zirela proposatzen dugu —zehazki, Butroeko (Gatika) dorretxearen inguruan—, hizkuntzari dagozkion argudioak historiari buruzkoekin osatuta.

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[EUS] Artikulu honetan J. P. Ulibarri idazle okondoarrak 1815an argitaratu zuen "Egunare euskerazkoa erdaraskotik itzuliya" egutegia aurkezten dugu, urteetan galdutzat jo izan dena. Lan honetan, orain arte euskal bibliografoek "Egunare"-az esan dutena laburtu dugu (§1), eta horrekin batera alearen deskribapena eskaini dugu bai fisikoa eta baita gaien arabera(§2). Hirugarren atalean(§3), libarriren egiletasuna bermatu dugu: testua egile izenik gabe argitaratu bazen ere albaitariaren lantzat jo dugu, bere idaztankera eta euskara moldea aztertzeko lan honek duen garrantzia azpimarratuz. Amaitzeko, testua bera eskaini dugu, bai edizio erdipaleografiko legez eta baita faksimile eran.

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[EN] In this article we explain the etymology of the surnames of Basque origin that some presidents of Latin American countries have or have had in the past. These family names were created in the language called Euskara, in the Basque Country (Europe), and then, when some of the people who bore them emigrated to America, they brought their surnames with them. Most of the family names studied here are either oiconymic or toponymic, but it must be kept in mind that the oiconymic ones are, very often, based on house-nicknames, that is, they are anthroponymic in the first place. As far as possible, we have related the surname, when its origin is oiconymic or toponymic, to its source, i.e. to the house or place where it was created.

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[EUS] Lan honek Erdi Aroko euskararen ezagutzan sakontzeko ekarpena izan nahi du. Horretarako, garai hartako agirietan eta bestelakoetan agertzen diren hainbat lekukotasun bildu ditugu, bereziki leku eta pertsona izenak. Hauetarik batzuk lehendik ezagunak ziren Lacarrak (1957), Arzamendik (1985), Libanok (1995-1999) edo beste ikerlariek egindako lanei esker; guk honakoan guztiak biltzen saiatu gara, argitaragabe batzuk ere ekarri ditugu eta alfabetikoki hurrenkeratu ditugu eta intereseko datuak (urtea, herria, herrialdea, iturria eta bibliografia) eman ditugu. Bestalde, Erdi Aroko hilarrietan lekukotzen diren hilartitzetako euskarazko elementuak ere jaso eta aztertu ditugu.

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[EN] The goal of this contribution is twofold: on the one hand, to review two relatively recent contributions in the field of Eskimo-Aleut historical linguistics in which it is proposed that Eskimo-Aleut languages are related genealogically to Wakashan (Holst 2004) and?/or Nostratic (Krougly-Enke 2008). These contributions can be characterized by saying that their authors have taken little care to be diligent and responsible in the application of the comparative method, and that their familiarity with the languages involved is insufficient. Eskimo-Aleut languages belong to a very exclusive group of language families that have been (and still are) used, sometimes compulsively, in the business of so-called “long-range comparisons”. Those carrying out such studies are very often unaware of the most basic facts regarding the philological and linguistic traditions of those languages, as a result of what mountains of very low quality works with almost no-relevancy for the specialist grow every year to the desperation of the scientific community, whose attitude toward them ranges from the most profound indifference to the toughest (and most explicit) critical tone. Since Basque also belongs to this group of “compare-with-everything-you-come- across” languages, it is my intention to provide the Basque readership with a sort of “pedagogical case” to show that little known languages, far from underrepresented in the field, already have a very long tradition in historical and comparative linguistics, i.e. nobody can approach them without previous acquaintance with the materials. Studies dealing with the methodological inappropriateness of the Moscow School’s Nostratic hypothesis or the incorrectness of many of the proposed new taxonomic Amerindian subfamilies (several of them involving the aforementioned Wakashan languages), that is to say, the frameworks on which Krougly-Enke and Holst work, respectively, are plenty (i.a. Campbell 1997: 260-329, Campbell & Poser 2008: 234-96), therefore there is no reason to insist once more on the very same point. This is the reason why I will not discuss per se Eskimo-Aleut–Wakashan or Eskimo-Aleut–Nostratic. On the contrary, I will focus attention upon very concrete aspects of Krougly-Enke and Holst´s proposals, i.e. when they work on “less ambitious” problems, for example, dealing with the minutiae of internal facts or analyzing certain words from the sole perspective of Eskimo-Aleut materials (in other words, those cases in which even they do not invoke the ad hoc help of Nostratic stuff). I will try to explain why some of their proposals are wrong, demonstrate where the problem lies, and fix it if possible. In doing so, I will propose new etymologies in an attempt at showing how we may proceed. The main difference between this and handbook examples lies in the reality of what we are doing: this is a pure etymological exercise from beginning to end. I will try to throw a bit of light on a couple of problematic questions regarding Aleut historical phonology, demonstrating how much work should be done at the lowest level of the Eskimo-Aleut pyramid; it is technically impossible to reach the peak of the pyramid without having completed the base. As far as Aleut is regarded, I will mainly profit not only from the use of the traditional philological analysis of Aleut (and, eventually, of Eskimo) materials, but also of diachronic typology, bringing into discussion what in my opinion seems useful, and in some cases I think decisive, parallels. It is worth noting that this paper makes up yet another part of a series of exploratory works dealing with etymological aspects of the reconstruction of Proto-Eskimo-Aleut, with special emphasis on Aleut (vid. i.a. Alonso de la Fuente 2006/2007, 2008a, 2008b, 2010a), whose main goal is to become the solid basis for an etymological dictionary of the Aleut language, currently in progress.

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[EN] The Basque anthroponym "Leioar" was analyzed by Alfonso Irigoien, which explained the origin of the name and the derived place names. In this paper we present new names derived, nine in total, the names are explained, also the appeared differences.

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[EN] This article presents a detailed study of the present-day use of the Basque discourse marker "erran/esan nahi baita" (‘that is to say’). This is an explanatory reformulator by means of which the speaker presents a reformulation of something said in the previous utterance (either a clause that forms part of the current sentence, or the preceding sentence) in order to express it more clearly or explain it. In the article I will examine the marker’s values; literary tradition; form and origin; present-day variants; equivalent expressions; position; punctuation; syntax; frequency, medium (written or spoken), register and text type; equivalents in other languages; and discourse value.