997 resultados para western secular feminism


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The purpose of this study is to examine how two Muslim feminists perceive themselves to betreated by the Swedish majority society and within the secular feminist movement. Thesurvey was conducted using qualitative method with a total of two interviews. For the study'stheoretical perspectives, I have used postcolonialism and postcolonial feminism. The result ofthe survey and the analysis show that the informants say that they face an image of Muslimwomen as considered being under oppression. The informants believe that this stereotypicalimage has its origin from the colonial period. The question that is most important for themwithin feminism is to be treated as a feminist and as a Muslim without being questioned. Theyfeel like it's hard to identify with the Swedish secular feminism, but they also feel that thegroup of Swedish secular feminists have a difficulty identifying themselves with Muslimwomen too. Consider this, one of the informants does not feel welcome among Swedishsecular feminism while the other one never had an interest in becoming a member of itbecause she did not consider them to strive for the same goal as herself. The informantsclaims that there are opportunities for them to speak in the public debate, but as Muslimfeminists they are facing a bigger struggle.

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Women authors have been traditionally ignored by patriarchal values informing the dominant literary canon. The most important icon of Galician literature, however, is a woman – Rosalía de Castro (1837-1885). She is not only a foundational myth for Galician letters, but also one of the most widely translated Galician authors. That said, the way she has been canonized in the Galician literary system has generally presented her work as exclusively committed to the construction of the national/ist identity, disregarding and muting her subversive feminist ideas. Taking this context as a starting point, in this article I shall examine most English translations of her work published between 1909 and 2010 in order to assess to what extent these translations have contributed to either disseminating or concealing Rosalía de Castro’s national and/or feminist discourse. I also aim to offer new critical readings of some of the author’s texts written in 19th century, which show how the Galician author is a real pioneer in Western literary feminism.

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A cornerstone of the conservative gender ideology of Iran’s clerical eliteis the conviction that biological differences between men and women arecause for them to have different roles and functions in society. Differentroles and functions translate to different (read unequal) legal rights.Notwithstanding the discriminatory gender policies of the state, Iranianwomen have refused to renege on their claims to equal rights. In the faceof intense political pressure to withdraw from the public arena, women inthe Islamic Republic have maintained a foothold in the political, socialand legal realms.

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This review outlines current international patterns in prostate cancer incidence and mortality rates and survival, including recent trends and a discussion of the possible impact of prostate-specific antigen (PSA) testing on the observed data. Internationally, prostate cancer is the second most common cancer diagnosed among men (behind lung cancer), and is the sixth most common cause of cancer death among men. Prostate cancer is particularly prevalent in developed countries such as the United States and the Scandinavian countries, with about a six-fold difference between high-incidence and low-incidence countries. Interpretation of trends in incidence and survival are complicated by the increasing impact of PSA testing, particularly in more developed countries. As Western influences become more pronounced in less developed countries, prostate cancer incidence rates in those countries are tending to increase, even though the prevalence of PSA testing is relatively low. Larger proportions of younger men are being diagnosed with prostate cancer and living longer following diagnosis of prostate cancer, which has many implications for health systems. Decreasing mortality rates are becoming widespread among more developed countries, although it is not clear whether this is due to earlier diagnosis (PSA testing), improved treatment, or some combination of these or other factors.

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The emergence of four nations framework in literary and historical scholarship has helped us to arrive at a fuller understanding of the complex and overlapping histories of the islands of Britain and Ireland, while recent research into Wales and Ireland in particular has helped to make the map of our relations more fully comprehensible. But what is the relevance and meaning of the four nations context for womenâ s writing in Ireland and Wales? What part does gender play in the interconnected histories of Wales and Ireland, and how are questions of sexual and artistic identity addressed within texts that imagine British-Irish history in gendered terms? This lecture identifies finds evidence of a feminist reimagining of archipelagic relationships by two writers: Munster novelist and playwright Una Troy, and Welsh writer Menna Gallie, born into a mining community on the western edge of the South Wales coalfields. Both Troy and Gallie wrote novels that deploy plots of female friendship to interrogate the relationship between gender and national affiliation in a four nations context.

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Research focusing on several post-communist countries has found evidence of social cleavage effects on political behaviour similar to those found in Western Europe. In some post-communist countries, however, social cleavage effects appear far weaker (if at all). To understand why this is the case, I perform a case study of Romania, focusing on the religious–secular cleavage. Drawing upon research that emphasises the role of parties in forming cleavages, I argue that the reason for the absence of social cleavage effects is due to party competition for the same group of voters by parties from opposing ends of the ideological spectrum. By shifting their positions, some parties have prevented the appearance of cleavages by shaping individuals' perceptions of the parties and, in doing so, have even altered individuals' own left–right self-placements.

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En Europe et en Amérique du Nord, les phénomènes de conversion à l'islam suggèrent que modernité et sécularisation ont engendré de nouvelles formes de subjectivité, insolites au premier abord. Pourtant, l'apparente incompatibilité entre les identités musulmane d’un part, et québécoise ou française d’autre part, provient davantage du contexte sociopolitique dans lequel ces identités se produisent que d'une impossibilité inhérente aux paradigmes musulman et occidental en soi. Notre étude réalisée en France et au Québec montre que si le retour à l’islam s’inscrit dans un projet d’herméneutique du soi qui se réalise dans le cadre d’une démarche spirituelle, le geste de conversion est forgé par le contexte social et politique qui lui donne sens et portée. Ainsi, l’identité des nouvelles musulmanes se négocie dans les rapports sociaux qui traversent et dominent les univers du discours locaux; le projet social et politique qui en résulte vise à transcender ces modèles en proposant une alternative qui combine l’hérité et le choisi. Notre projet s’inscrit dans une perspective comparative au sein de deux espaces politiques se distinguant non seulement par leur mode de gestion de la diversité religieuse et ethnique, mais aussi par leur système de régulation du religieux dans l'espace public. Considérant que le changement de religion est un processus aussi subjectif que social, nous soutenons que la nouvelle identité du converti se distribue de façon continue et dynamique entre la réalisation du soi et la (re)construction de son appartenance sociale. Par conséquent, le geste de conversion traduit autant la quête d’une spiritualité et d’un mode de vie pieux, qu’il exprime un discours critique de son contexte social et politique, et constructif puisqu’il en propose une alternative. En nous inspirant des perspectives théoriques de Ricœur, de Foucault, et de Calhoun, nous examinons la formation du sujet et la construction de son identité, autant par la production d’un discours (récit de conversion), que par le modelage du corps (apprentissage des pratiques religieuses et sociales). Cette approche performative de la ritualité quotidienne met en évidence la fluidité, l'idiosyncrasie et l'historicité des appartenances et des subjectivités. Pour les femmes rencontrées, la mise en narration de la trajectoire de conversion joue un rôle clé dans le processus de constitution et d’actualisation du soi musulman. Par la réflexivité du sujet, elle produit en effet une nouvelle herméneutique du soi, motivée par un objectif d’accomplissement personnel, et travaillé par le médium de la spiritualité. Par ailleurs, nous identifions des discours standardisés qui constituent des points de tension autour desquels se forgent la piété, la subjectivité, et l’identité des converties. Parmi eux, le modèle de genre préconisé révèle le retour à une nouvelle morale de la pudeur, de l'intimité, du corps et du souci de soi qui revisite les rhétoriques polarisées entre le féminisme jugé extrême des sociétés occidentales, et les dérives patriarcales de l’islam politique. En ce sens, nous considérons les femmes converties à l’islam comme la figure archétype du sujet musulman féministe. La formation de ces identités originales révèle les forces sociales et politiques sous-jacentes les localités nationales et les dynamiques globales. En effet, les performances élaborées par les converties se situent en compétition avec certains discours construits, tant par les musulmans de naissance que par la société d'origine. La conversion induit ainsi une recomposition des identités genrées, religieuses, nationales ou biographiques des nouvelles musulmanes. Si les attributs de l’altérité désormais mêlés à ceux du soi sont travaillés aux limites des catégories de la modernité avancée (savoir, religion et genre), ils reconfigurent également les rapports sociaux et les frontières de nouveaux groupes d’inclusion et d’exclusion (ethnicité, piété, génération). Au Québec, l'attrait pour l'islam participe d’une reconquête du sens et d’une volonté d'adhésion à la rhétorique cosmopolite hégémonique, l’entrée dans l’islam célèbre alors le retour à des formes de solidarité communautaire, faisant suite à une phase de modernisation et de sécularisation accélérée. En France, elle manifeste une critique envers la différenciation sociale et un mode d'appartenance à une classe ghettoïsée. L’adhésion à la religion de la catégorie minoritaire et ostracisée met en évidence l’échec d'un modèle républicain qui a failli à sa prétention d’universalité. Cette voie alternative aux projets séculier et moderne dominants contribue à reconfigurer les domaines du privé et du public, et permet à ceux qui choisissent la marge, de révéler les apories du centre.

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This chapter aims to discuss the relationship between femininity and representations of women involved in violence, focussing on visual representations. Miranda Alison has made the point that the repeated necessity to qualify the term 'combatant' with the descriptor 'female' draws attention to how women soldiers, female freedom fighters, female suicide bombers and female terrorists are exceptional figures. That the female combatant or the female terrorist is an aberration or a deviation from a masculine norm is undermined by the lengthy history of women as warriors, fighters, and terrorists. In that sense it is not so much that fighting women are rare but that there is amnesia within cultural memories concerning the woman fighter. However, in representations of conflict, the dominant image associated with femininity is passive; that is as the defenceless and the defended, or as the allegory of peace. Moreover, representations of men in wars as defeated or wounded means feminising such figures. Miriam Cooke, in her Women and the War Story, 1996, points out how a mythic war story provides men with political roles, in the politikon or public arena, whereas women are domesticated in the space of the oikon. In the mythic war story women may function as Mater Dolorosa, Patriotic Mother or Spartan Mother. It follows then that there are conditions in which it is permissible to represent women fighting on behalf of their children or in defence of the home, and in the absence of men. These images are also found in wider culture: Sarah Connor in Terminator or Ripley in Alien, for example. Images of the female terrorist raise new issues but I want to argue that it is also the case that discussing femininity and the terrorist must involve relating such imagery to representations of the female warrior over a longer timespan. Some questions have shifted since the late twentieth century. Dating from the early 1990s, most Western nations increasingly incorporated women into combat roles within their armed forces. This paper will aim to unpick some of the intricate connections between the increasing presence of women in the armed forces, what relationship this has to emancipation and the participation of women in violence classed as terrorist.

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This paper positions the work of colonial poet Eliza Hamilton Dunlop amongst international Romantic poetry of the period, and argues that Dunlop’s poetry reflects a transposition of Romantic women’s poetry to Australia. Dunlop’s poetry, such as ‘The Aboriginal Mother’, demonstrates the relationship of Romantic women’s poetry to early feminism and Social Reform. As with the work of Felicia Hemans, Dunlop was interested in the role of women, and the ‘domestic’ as they related to broader national and political concerns. Dunlop seems to have been consciously applying the tropes, such as that of the mother, of anti slavery poetry found within American, British, and international poetic traditions to the Australian aboriginal context. Themes of indigenous motherhood, and also of Sati or widow burning in India, and human rights had been favored by early women’s rights campaigners in Britain from the 1820s, focusing on abolition of slavery through the identification of white women with the Negro mother. Dunlop’s comparative sympathy for the situation of aboriginals in Australia has been given critical attention as the aspect which makes her work valuable. However, in this essay I hope to outline how Dunlop’s poetry fits in to the international context of the engagement of Romantic women poets with Western Imperialist models and colonial Others.

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Are Feminism and Monotheistic Religions Compatible? Dr. Roberta K. Ray How compatible are the three major monotheistic religions (Christianity, Islam, and Judaism) with feminism and the goal of equal rights for women in Western democracies? A special focus is on how Christian religions have functioned as a barrier to equal rights for women in the United States from Colonial period through the 21st century. Religion and Liberal Democracy: Are They Philosophically Compatible? Dr. John W. Ray American government is based on liberal democratic political theory. Based on an examination of the political philosophies of Locke, Mill, Rousseau, Hegel, Emerson and Rawls, Ray concludes that adherence to a liberal democratic political ideology is fundamentally incompatible with a religious grounding of political reality.

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Throughout human history, religion and politics have entertained the most intimate of connections as systems of authority regulating individuals and society. While the two have come apart through the process of secularization, secularism is challenged today by the return of public religion. This cogent analysis unravels the nature of the connection, disconnection, and attempted reconnection between religion and politics in the West. In a comparison of Western Europe and North America, Christianity and Islam, Joppke advances far-reaching theoretical, historical, and comparative-political arguments. With respect to theory, it is argued that only a “substantive” concept of religion, as pertaining to the existence of supra-human powers, opens up the possibility of a historical-comparative perspective on religion. At the level of history, secularization is shown to be the distinct outcome of Latin Christianity itself. And at the level of comparative politics, the Christian Right in America which has attacked the “wall of separation” between religion and state and Islam in Europe with the controversial insistence on sharia law and other “illiberal” claims from some quarters are taken to be counterpart incarnations of public religion and challenges to the secular state. This clearly argued, sweeping book will provide an invaluable framework for approaching an array of critical issues at the intersection of religion, law and politics for advanced students and researchers across the social sciences and legal studies, as well as for the interested public.

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Oceanic basalts and other related igneous rocks are considered excellent recorders of the Earth's paleomagnetic field. Consequently, basalt core paleomagnetic data are valuable for the constraints they provide on plate tectonic motions, especially for oceanic plates such as the Pacific. Unfortunately, few Deep Sea Drilling Project (DSDP) and Ocean Drilling Program (ODP) boreholes have been cored very deeply into the ocean crust. The result is that there are only a few sites at which a large enough number of basalt flows have been cored to properly average secular variation (e.g., Kono, 1980, doi:10.2973/dsdp.proc.55.135.1980; Cox and Gordon, 1984, doi:10.1029/RG022i001p00047). Furthermore, there are a number of sites where basaltic core samples were retrieved but the cores were not measured. Often this occurs because leg scientists had more important sections to work on, or the section was ignored because it was too short to record enough time to average secular variation and obtain a reliable paleolatitude. Even though it may not be possible to determine a precise paleolatitude from such short sections, measurements from a small number of flows are important because they can be combined with other coeval paleomagnetic data from the same plate to calculate a paleomagnetic pole (Gordon and Cox, 1980, doi:10.1111/j.1365-246X.1980.tb02642.x; Cox and Gordon, 1984, doi:10.1029/RG022i001p00047). For this reason, I obtained samples for paleomagnetic measurements from eight Pacific sites (169, 170, 171, 581, 597, 800, 803, and 865), most of which have not been previously measured for paleomagnetism.