Welfare regimes, work-life balance public policies and gender equality - parental leaves in Portugal and Sweden

Comunicação apresentada na "European Sociological Association Conference" em Lisboa de 2 a 5 de Setembro de 2009.

Welfare regimes and change in the employment structure: Britain, Denmark and Germany since 1990

Welfare states are often reduced to their role as providers of social protection and redistribution. In 1990, Esping-Andersen argued that they also affect employment creation and the class structure. We analyse the stratification outcomes for three welfare regimes - Britain, Germany and Denmark - over the 1990s and 2000s. Based on individual-level surveys, we observe a disproportionate increase among professionals and managers, and a decline among production workers and clerks. The result is clear-cut occupational upgrading in Denmark and Germany. In Britain, high and low-end service jobs expanded, resulting in a polarized version of upgrading. Growth in low-end service jobs - and thus polarization - is no precondition for full employment. Both Britain and Denmark halved their low-educated unemployment rate between 1995 and 2008. Yet low-end service jobs expanded only in Britain, not in Denmark. The cause is the evolution of labour supply: rising educational attainment means that fewer low-educated workers look for low-skilled jobs.

The Increasing Importance of Administrative Practices in the Shaping of the Welfare State

Dans cet article, nous analysons les changements de l' Etat-providence suédois a l' exemple des services municipaux de soins pour personnes agées. On montre qu'il est possible de tracer des processus de transformation à trois niveaux. Analysées comme phénomènes complèmentaires cela montre à quelle envergure les pratiques administratives sont devenues le lieu primordial de la mise en forme de l' Etat-providence. L'incorporation du managérialisme, comme mode prévalent de gouvernance et d'organisation de services et des politiques sociales mène a la conclusion qu'on devient temoin d'une transformation d' un regime (d Etat-providence) moral et politique à un regime administratif. Dans le dernier paragraphe, nous argumentons que cette transformation affaiblit la citoyenneté sociale et transfère les valeurs et principes de la politique sociale a la sphère administrative. Nous argumentons dès lors que cette perspective analytique a des implications plus larges pour la charactérization des “Welfare regimes” et pour l'analyse des différences transnationales.

When Labour and Capital Collude: The Varieties of Welfare Capitalism and Early Retirement in Europe, Japan and the USA. CES Germany & Europe Working Papers, No. 00.4, 2000

The institutionalisation of early retirement has become a universal feature of postwar industrial economies, though there are significant cross-national variations. This paper studies the impact of different types of welfare regimes, production systems and labour relations on early exit from work. After an analysis of the main trends, the paper discusses the costs and benefits of early retirement for the various actors — labour, capital and the state — at different levels. The paper outlines both the "pull” and "push” factors of early exit. It first compares the distinct welfare state regimes and private occupational pensions in their impact on early retirement. Then it looks at the labour-shedding strategies inherent to particular employment regimes, production systems and financial governance structures. Finally, the impact of particular industrial relations systems, and especially the role of unions is discussed. The paper finds intricate "institutional complementarities” between particular welfare states, production regimes and industrial relations systems, and these structure the incentives under which actors make decisions on work and retirement. The paper argues that the "collusion” between capital, labour and the state in pursuing early retirement is not merely following a labour-shedding strategy to ease mass unemployment, but also caused by the need for economic restructuration, the downsizing pressures from financial markets, the maintenance of peaceful labour relations, and the consequences of a seniority employment system.

Computerizing the welfare state: An international comparison of computerization in social security

Although computer technology is central to the operation of the modern welfare state, there has been little analysis of its role or of the factors shaping the way in which it is used. Using data generated by expert informants from 13 OECD countries, this paper provides an indicative comparison of the aims of computerization in national social security systems over a 15-year period from 1985 to 2000. The paper seeks to identify and explain patterns in the data and outlines and examines four hypotheses. Building on social constructivist accounts of technology, the first three hypotheses attribute variations in the aims of computerization to different welfare state regimes, forms of capitalism, and structures of public administration. The fourth hypothesis, which plays down the importance of social factors, assumes that computerization is adopted as a means of improving operational efficiency and generating expenditure savings. The findings suggest that, in all 13 countries, computerization was adopted in the expectation that it would lead to increased productivity and higher standards of performance, thus providing most support for the fourth hypothesis. However, variations between countries suggest that the sociopolitical values associated with different welfare state regimes have also had some effect in shaping the ways in which computer technology has been used in national social security systems.

The EU and the Domestic Politics of Welfare State Reforms

Does European integration influence national social policies? What is the use of EU laws, orientations and guidelines? Based on a systematic comparison of ten national cases, including both old and new member states, representing all families of welfare regimes, this volume explores and specifies the mechanisms through which the EU plays a role in domestic social policy changes. It focuses on where, when and how national actors use the tools and resources offered by the process of European integration to support them in the national welfare reforms they are engaged in. The comprehensive research design and the systematic comparisons provide a unique opportunity to fully grasp the mechanisms of domestic welfare state change within the context of the European Union multilevel political system. This book proposes both a new step within the Europeanization and the welfare state literatures. It confirms the idea that Europe matters in a differential way since EU social policy will be selectively used by domestic political actors in accordance with their political preferences. It provides a clear explanation of why no EU-induced social policy change can occur without an overall support offered by key domestic decision-makers. (Résumé éditeur)

South European welfare regime model and the turkish case

The rise of neoliberalism and the experience of several economic crises throughout 1960’s and 70’s have opened the way to question the ability of welfare state to satisfy the basic needs of the societies. Therefore the term “welfare state” left its place to “welfare regime” in which the responsibilities for the well being of the societies are distributed among state, market and families. Following the introduction of this new term, several typologies of welfare regimes are started to be discussed. Esping-Andersen’s (1990) regime typology is considered to be one of the most significant one which covers most of the European countries. On the other hand, it has also led to criticisms for being lack of several aspects. One of them was done by Ferrera (1996), Moreno (2001), Boboli (1997) and Liebfreid (1992), which discusses that the grouping of Mediterranean countries of Europe -Greece, Italy, Spain and Portugal- within the conservative regime type. Those authors affirm that Southern European countries have their peculiar features in terms of structure of welfare provision and they form a fourth type which may be called "Mediterranean/ Southern European Regime". At this point, this doctoral thesis carries the discussion one step further and covers a profound research to answer some fundamental questions. Chiefly, clarifying whether it is possible to talk about a coherent grouping between the Mediterranean countries of Southern Europe in terms of their welfare regimes is our first objective. Then by assuming that it has an affirmative response, it is aimed to reflect the characteristics of this grouping. On the other hand, those group features are not static in time and they are sensible to various economic changes...

Leaving the labour market: event-history analysis of the female workers' transition to housework in Denmark, Germany, Great Britain and Spain

This paper is aimed at exploring the determinants of female activity from a dynamic perspective. An event-history analysis of the transition form employment to housework has been made resorting to data from the European Household Panel Survey. Four countries representing different welfare regimes and, more specifically, different family policies, have been selected for the analysis: Britain, Denmark, Germany and Spain. The results confirm the importance of individual-level factors, which is consistent with an economic approach to female labour supply. Nonetheless, there are significant cross-national differences in how these factors act over the risk of abandoning the labour market. First, the number of trnasitions is much lower among Danish working women than among British, German or Spanish ones, revealing the relative importance of universal provision of childcare services, vis-à-vis other elements of the family policy, as time or money.

The Generational contract in the family : explaining regime differences in financial transfers from parents to children in Europe

The exchange of social and economic support between the generationsis one of the main pillars of both family life and welfare systems. Thedebate on how to reform the generational contract is still truncated, however, by focusing on its public dimension only, especially on pensions and health care provisions. For a full account, the transfer of resources between adult generations in the family needs to be included as well. In our previous research we have shown that intergenerationalexchange is more likely to take place but less intense in the Nordicwelfare regime than in the Continental and Southern ones. In thepresent paper we analyze the social mechanisms that create and explain this nexus between patterns of intergenerational transfers and welfare regimes. The notion that Southern European family support networksare stronger and more effective than those of Continental and Northern European countries is only partially confirmed. In Southern (and partly in Continental) countries, children are mostly supported by means of co-residence with their parents till their complete economicindependence. However, once they have left the parental home thereare fewer transfers; support tends to be restricted to children who have special needs (such as for the formation of their own family), and depends more on their parents’ resources. In the Nordic countries, in contrast, transfers are less driven by children’s needs and parentalresources.

Worlds of working poverty : Cross-national variation in the mechanisms that lead to poverty among workers

The objective of this paper is to distinguish between different types of working poverty, on the basis of the mechanisms that produce it. Whereas the poverty literature identifies a myriad of risk factors and of categories of disadvantaged workers, we focus on three immediate causes of working poverty, namely low wage rate, weak labour force attachment, and high needs, the latter mainly due to the presence of children (and sometimes to the increase in needs caused by a divorce). These three mechanisms are the channels through which macroeconomic, demographic and policy factors have a direct bearing on working households. The main assumption tested here is that welfare regimes strongly influence the relative weight of these three mechanisms in producing working poverty, and, hence, the composition of the working-poor population. Our figures confirm this hypothesis and show that low-wage employment is a key factor, but, by far, not the only one and that family policies broadly understood play a decisive role, as well as patterns of labour market participation and integration.

Alleviating Working Poverty in Postindustrial Economies

In order to identify the main social policy tools that can efficiently combat working poverty, it is essential to identify its main driving factors. More importantly, this work shows that all poverty factors identified in the literature have a direct bearing on working households through three mechanisms, namely being badly paid, having a below-average workforce participation, and high needs. One of the main purposes of this work is to assess whether the policies put forward in the specialist literature as potentially efficient really work. This is done in two ways. A first empirical prong provides an evaluation of the employment and antipoverty effects of these instruments, based on a meta-analysis of four instruments: minimum wages, tax credits for working households, family cash benefits and childcare policies. The second prong relies on a broader framework based on welfare regimes. This work contributes to the identification of a typology of welfare regimes that is suitable for the analysis of working poverty, and four countries are chosen to exemplify each regime: the US, Sweden, Germany, and Spain. It then moves on to show that the weight of the three working poverty mechanisms varies widely from one welfare regime to the other. This second empirical contribution clearly shows that there is no "one-size-fits-all" approach to the fight against working poverty. But none of this is possible without having properly defined the phenomenon. Most of the literature is characterized by a "definitional chaos" that probably does more harm than good to social policy efforts. Hence, this book provides a conceptual reflection pleading for the use of a very encompassing definition of being in work. It shows that "the working poor" is too broad a category to be used for meaningful academic or policy discussion, and that a distinction must be operated between different categories of the working poor. Failing to acknowledge this prevents the design of an efficient policy mix.

Les régimes providentiels à l'ère post-industrielle: reconfiguration ou résilience ?

L'approche des régimes providentiels élaborée par Esping-Andersen dans les années 1990 présente un grand intérêt dans l'appréhension des lignes directrices de la protection sociale: elle met en relief le jeu d'interrelations entre différents piliers de bien-être (l'État, le marché et la famille) dans la production et la distribution du bien-être. Esping-Andersen a identifié à cet effet trois types de régimes providentiels: les régimes social-démocrate, libéral et conservateur (qui correspondent respectivement aux pays nordiques, anglo-saxons et d'Europe continentale) auxquels certains observateurs ont rajouté le type latin, qui correspond aux pays d'Europe du Sud (Espagne, Grèce, Italie, Portugal). Ces régimes se sont consolidés dans un contexte industriel d'après-guerre et on peut se demander s'ils peuvent tenir la route à l'ère post-industrielle. En effet, le jeu d'interrelations entre l'État, le marché et la famille est appelé à connaître des reconfigurations, pour répondre plus adéquatement aux divers risques nouveaux qu'encourent les individus. La résilience des régimes providentiels est donc mise à l'épreuve et doit composer avec de nouvelles réalités sociales et économiques qui peuvent l'amener vers des terrains qui lui étaient jusque là inconnus. Notre examen s'intéresse à l'évolution des régimes providentiels à l'ère post-industrielle. Nous cherchons à caractériser et à différencier vingt pays de l'OCDE sur la base d'indicateurs quantitatifs de dépenses publiques et de situations socio-économiques couvrant la période de 1985 aux années 2000. Au moyen de l'analyse factorielle des correspondances et de l'analyse de classification hiérarchique, nous avons pu dégager des regroupements de pays qui correspondent assez fidèlement à la typologie d'Esping-Andersen et à ses développements subséquents et à mettre en relief différentes formes de protection sociale à l'ère post-industrielle: soit "l'activation laissée au marché" dans les pays anglo-saxons, "l'activation comme projet en devenir" dans les pays d'Europe continentale et, finalement, "la faible référence à l'activation" dans les pays d'Europe du Sud.

Pauvreté des familles monoparentales. Le Canada et le Québec dans l’univers des régimes providentiels

La pauvreté monoparentale touche de nombreux pays développés au point que la monoparentalité est restée pendant longtemps associée à la pauvreté. Malgré les efforts de l’État-providence, les systèmes de protection sociale s’avèrent souvent inefficaces et inadaptés aux changements de la structure familiale et de la diversité des modes de résidence. Or, les situations des familles monoparentales ne sont pas semblables d’une société à une autre. Certaines sociétés adoptent des régimes providentiels qui offrent des conditions plutôt favorables aux familles quel que soit leur statut (monoparental ou biparental), tandis que d’autres se caractérisent par des systèmes moins égalitaires et moins favorables aux familles monoparentales. Notre thèse cherche à déconstruire le lien entre la pauvreté et la monoparentalité en poussant plus loin la réflexion sur les régimes providentiels. Le bien-être des familles monoparentales dépend des arrangements institutionnels des régimes qui assurent des ressources à travers les trois piliers que sont l’État, le marché et la famille. Certaines sociétés favorisent le pilier de l’État comme principal pourvoyeur de ressources alors que d’autres mettent l’accent sur le marché. Dans d’autres cas, la solidarité familiale est considérée comme étant fondamentale dans le bien-être des individus. Parmi ces trois piliers, il est souvent difficile de trouver la combinaison la plus appropriée pour protéger les familles monoparentales et leur assurer une certaine sécurité et une autonomie économique. Lorsque les gouvernements adoptent la politique de prise en charge des familles monoparentales, ces dernières deviennent très dépendantes de l’assistance sociale et des programmes d’aide publique. Dans un contexte libéral, les mesures d’incitation au travail qui visent les chefs de famille monoparentale ont plutôt tendance à réduire cette dépendance. Mais dans bien des cas, les familles monoparentales sont amenées à dépendre d’un revenu du marché qui ne les aide pas toujours à sortir de la pauvreté. Lorsque nous regardons le troisième pilier, celui de la famille, il s’avère souvent que les solidarités qui proviennent de cette source sont limitées et occasionnelles et nécessitent parfois une réglementation spéciale pour les dynamiser (comme c’est le cas des pensions alimentaires). L’articulation de ces piliers et leur apport au bien-être des familles monoparentales soulève une question fondamentale : Quelles sont les possibilités pour les chefs de famille monoparentale de fonder et maintenir un ménage autonome qui ne soit ni pauvre ni dans la dépendance par rapport à une seule source de revenu qui peut provenir de l’État, du marché ou de la famille ? Pour examiner cette question, nous avons procédé à des comparaisons internationales et interprovinciales à partir des données du Luxembourg Income Study (LIS). Le choix des comparaisons internationales est très utile pour situer le Québec dans un environnement de régimes providentiels avec un cadre théoriquement et conceptuellement structuré pour comprendre les politiques de lutte contre la pauvreté monoparentale. Cette recherche montre principalement que la pauvreté monoparentale est très problématique dans les régimes qui privilégient le marché comme principal pilier de bien-être. Elle l’est aussi dans certains pays qui privilégient les transferts et adoptent des politiques de prise en charge envers les familles monoparentales qui restent largement désavantagées par rapport aux familles biparentales. Par contre, certains régimes favorisent une complémentarité entre ce que peuvent tirer les familles du marché du travail et ce qu’elles peuvent tirer des ressources de l’État. Généralement, ce genre d’approche mène vers des taux de pauvreté plus faibles chez les familles monoparentales. Le Québec fait partie des sociétés où le marché représente une source fondamentale de bien-être. Toutefois, la pauvreté monoparentale est moins problématique que chez ses voisins d’Amérique du Nord. De nombreux chefs de famille monoparentale dans la province occupent des emplois à temps plein sans être désavantagés. Cependant, les chefs de famille monoparentale qui occupent des emplois à temps partiel sont largement plus exposés à la pauvreté. Pourtant, dans certaines sociétés, particulièrement aux Pays-Bas, ce statut d’emploi offre des conditions meilleures pour la conciliation travail-famille.

Les trois mondes des régimes fiscaux : l’économie politique du financement des États-providence

Ce mémoire cherche à comprendre un paradoxe : les États-providence les plus généreux, façonnés par des partis sociaux-démocrates, sont financés par des taxes beaucoup plus régressives que les États-providence les moins généreux où les partis de droite, plus souvent au pouvoir, mettent en place une taxation plus progressive. Pour comprendre ce paradoxe, ce mémoire débute en analysant les pressions induites par la mondialisation des capitaux sur la taxation. Ensuite, le mémoire explore les causes institutionnelles des régimes fiscaux en effectuant une revue de la littérature analytique. Ces contraintes institutionnelles et fonctionnelles sur le comportement et les préférences des acteurs politiques permettent de définir trois idéaux-types de régimes fiscaux. Ces idéaux-types cadrent avec la typologie des régimes d’État-providence d’Esping-Andersen. En regroupant des typologies sur les régimes fiscaux et les régimes d’État-providence, ce mémoire souligne que le financement des politiques publiques représente une composante cruciale de l’économie politique de l’État-providence.

Transfers, contracts and regulation: a new institutional economics perspective on the changing provision of social housing in Britain

Social housing policy in the UK mirrors wider processes Associated with shifts in broad welfare regimes. Social housing has moved from dominance by state housing provision to the funding of new investment through voluntary sector housing associations to what is now a greater focus on the regulation and private financing of these not-for-profit bodies. If these trends run their course, we are likely to see a range of not-for-profit bodies providing non-market housing in a highly regulated quasi-market. This paper examines these issues through the lens of new institutional economics, which it is believed can provide important insights into the fundamental contractual and regulatory relationships that are coming to dominate social housing from the perspective of the key actors in the sector (not-for-profit housing organisations, their tenants, private lenders and the regulatory state). The paper draws on evidence recently collected from a study evaluating more than 100 stock transfer organisations that inherited ex-public housing in Scotland, including 12 detailed case studies. The paper concludes that social housing stakeholders need to be aware of the risks (and their management) faced across the sector and that the state needs to have clear objectives for social housing and coherent policy instruments to achieve those ends.