Morphological characteristics of foramen of Vesalius and its relationship with clinical implications

The aim of this study was to evaluate the incidence as well morphometry of the foramen of Vesalius in human skulls and analyzing their clinical importance. Dry human skulls (n = 80) and with gender distinction were used (40 male and 40 female). The results demonstrates an total incidence of 40%, 13.75% skulls with the bilateral presence of the foramen, 26.25% skulls with the unilateral presence of the foramen, 31.25% skulls with foramen only of the right side, 22.50% skulls with foramen only of the left side, 25% masculine skulls with at least 1 foramen and 52.25% skulls with at least 1 foramen. The morphometry showed an average diameter of 1.457 ± 1.043 mm on the right and 1592 ± 0938 mm to the left. The average distance to the foramen ovale was 1.853 ± 0.303 mm on the right side and 2.464 ± 0.311 mm on the left. It can be concluded that a deepened anatomical study of the foramen of Vesalius collaborates not only for anatomical knowledge of this structure, but also in clinical situations involving this foramen.

A lenda de Apolo e Mársias : Representações artísticas e estudos de anatomia de superfície

Acta Medica Portuguesa 2005; 18: 371-376

Anatomia in qua tota humani corporis fabrica... Amstelodami, Ioannes Ianssonius, 1617

A paper affixed to the rear free endpaper of the item states that is edition contains “fine reproductions of the Gemini plates.” “Thomas Geminus was a a pseudonym for Thomas Lambrit, an engraver and printer…shown as active from about 1540; he died in May 1562.” http://www.arsanatomica.lib.ed.ac.uk/geminus.html accessed 11/20/2012. Geminus (Lambrit) printed Compendiosa totius anatomiae delineation aere exarata in 1545 copied from Vesalius’ 1543, De humani corporis fabrica . (Wellcome Library catalog, accessed 11/20/2012.) This book is a 1617 reproduction of the engraved copperplates which Lambrit himself copied from the original woodblock prints of the Vesalius’ book. Because the illustrations were based on those in the Vesalius’ book, because the name Vesalius helped sell the book, because copyright laws were not in effect, and because photocopies and digital images were not available, the author of this book is given as Andreas Vesalius. (Vesalius may or may not have been pleased.) For more information on Thomas Geminus (Lambrit) see The Anatomy of Thomas Geminus, by Geoffrey Keynes, http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2413790/?page=1

Andreae Vesalii Anatomia : [Addita nunc postremo etiam Antiquorum anatome]

Portada arquitectónica calcográfica, firmada: "F. Valegio"

Pathfinders in medicine,

On cover: Second edition.

Seeing and believing: three episodes in the history of neurophysiology

In this contribution I look at three episodes in the history of neurophysiology that bring out the complex relationship between seeing and believing. I start with Vesalius in the mid-sixteenth century who writes that he can in no way see any cavity in nerves, even in the optic nerves. He thus questions the age-old theory (dating back to the Alexandrians in the third century BC) but, because of the overarching psychophysiology of his time, does not press his case. This conflict between observation and theory persisted for a quarter of a millennium until finally resolved at the beginning of the nineteenth century by the discoveries of Galvani and Volta. The second case is provided by the early history of retinal synaptology. Schultze in 1866 had represented rod spherules and bipolar dendrites in the outer plexiform layer as being separated by a (synaptic) gap, yet in his written account, because of his theoretical commitments, held them to be continuous. Cajal later, 1892, criticized Schultze for this pusillanimity, but his own figure in La Cellule is by no means clear. It was only with the advent of the electron microscopy in the mid-twentieth century that the true complexity of the junction was revealed and it was shown that both investigators were partially right. My final example comes from the Hodgkin-Huxley biophysics of the 1950s. Their theory of the action potential depended on the existence of unseen ion pores with quite complex biophysical characteristics. These were not seen until the Nobel-Prize-winning X-ray diffraction analyses of the early twenty-first century. Seeing, even at several removes, then confirmed Hodgkin and Huxley’s belief. The relation between seeing and believing is by no means straightforward.

Cardiocentric neurophysiology:the persistence of a delusion

Aristotle is well known to have taught that the brain was a mere coolant apparatus for overheated blood and to have located the hegemonikon in the heart. This teaching was hotly disputed by his immediate successors in the Alexandrian Museum, who showed that the brain played the central role in psychophysiology. This was accepted and developed by the last great biomedical figure of classical antiquity - Claudius Galen. However, Aristotle's cardiocentric theory did not entirely disappear and this article traces its influence through the Arabic physicians of the Islamic ascendancy, into the European Middle Ages where Albertus Magnus' attempt to reconcile cardiocentric and cerebrocentric physiology was particularly influential. It shows how cardiocentricity was sufficiently accepted to attract the attention of, and require refutation by, many of the great names of the Renaissance, including Vesalius, Fernel, and Descartes, and was still taken seriously by luminaries such as William Harvey in the mid-seventeenth century. The article, in rehearsing this history, shows the difficulty of separating the first-person perspective of introspective psychology and the third-person perspective of natural science. It also outlines an interesting case of conflict between philosophy and physiology. © 2013 Copyright Taylor & Francis Group, LLC.

Beginnings : ventricular psychology

From Platonic and Galenic roots, the first well developed ventricular theory of brain function is due to Bishop Nemesius, fourth century C.E. Although more interested in the Christian concept of soul, St. Augustine, too addressed the question of the location of the soul, a problem that has endured in various guises to the present day. Other notable contributions to ventricular psychology are the ninth century C.E. Arabic writer, Qusta ibn Lūqā, and an early European medical text written by the twelfth century C.E. author, Nicolai the Physician. By the time of Albertus Magnus, so-called medieval cell doctrine was a well-developed model of brain function. By the sixteenth century, Vesalius no longer understands the ventricles to be imaginary cavities designed to provide a physical basis for faculty psychology but as fluid-filled spaces in the brain whose function is yet to be determined

Brain, mind and consciousness in the history of neuroscience

From Platonic and Galenic roots, the first well developed ventricular theory of brain function is due to Bishop Nemesius, fourth century C.E. Although more interested in the Christian concept of soul, St. Augustine, too addressed the question of the location of the soul, a problem that has endured in various guises to the present day. Other notable contributions to ventricular psychology are the ninth century C.E. Arabic writer, Qusta ibn Lūqā, and an early European medical text written by the twelfth century C.E. author, Nicolai the Physician. By the time of Albertus Magnus, so-called medieval cell doctrine was a well-developed model of brain function. By the sixteenth century, Vesalius no longer understands the ventricles to be imaginary cavities designed to provide a physical basis for faculty psychology but as fluid-filled spaces in the brain whose function is yet to be determined