Fair Copyright for Canada: Lessons for Online Social Movements from the First Canadian Facebook Uprising

Despite their growing importance, the political effectiveness of social media remains understudied. Drawing on and updating resource mobilization theory and political process theory, this article considers how social media make “political engagement more probable,” and the determinants of success for online social movements. It does so by examining the mainstreaming of the Canadian “user rights” copyright movement, focusing on the Fair Copyright for Canada Facebook page, created in December 2007. This decentralized, grassroots, social media-focused action – the first successful campaign of its kind in Canada and one of the first in the world – changed the terms of the Canadian copyright debate and legitimized Canadian user rights. As this case demonstrates, social media have changed the type and amount of resources needed to create and sustain social movements, creating openings for new groups and interests. Their success, however, remains dependent on the political context within which they operate.

Les articulations de l'arabité et du genre à travers les chaines d'équivalence : le cas de Uprising of Women in the Arab World

Ce mémoire de maîtrise s’intéresse aux nouvelles expressions protestataires qui ont émergé après les soulèvements connus sous le « printemps arabe » en prenant, comme objet d’analyse, Uprising of Women in the Arab World (UWAW), une page Facebook qui œuvre pour les droits des femmes à travers le « monde arabe ». Ce travail propose de saisir cette page Facebook à travers les croisements d’enjeux d’arabité et de genre, dans une perspective discursive critique. La notion d’arabité désigne une appartenance commune au « monde arabe » qui reposerait sur la production de référents religieux et linguistiques partagés par l’ensemble des pays arabes. Le genre est abordé comme un langage privilégié pour signifier les rapports de pouvoir (Scott, 1988). Afin de mettre en lumière les différentes intersections de l’arabité et du genre, je propose de recourir au concept d’articulation (Hall, 1980). Ce dernier réfère à l’assemblage de différentes pratiques de production qui constituent un discours. Cette mise en relation, non-nécessaire, s’effectue dans une conjoncture régie par les forces hégémoniques du moment. Ainsi, le concept d’articulation permet d’explorer ce que font dans leur (co)présence les discours hétérogènes par et dans lesquels l’arabité et le genre sont rendus visibles dans et à travers la page UWAW. Ces articulations sont questionnées à partir du concept de chaine d’équivalence de Laclau (2008) qui désigne une condensation de revendications hétérogènes, à travers des relations d’équivalence et de différence. Ces dernières se produisent à travers l’affirmation des particularités des revendications, tandis que les relations d’équivalence sont basées sur la mise en avant de la communalité des revendications. Cette recherche est guidée par la proposition de recherche suivante : UWAW peut être comprise comme un espace discursif traversé par des chaines d’équivalences où les articulations de l’arabité et du genre se matérialiseraient selon des relations d’équivalence et de différence. Elle fait l’objet d’une analyse critique de trois campagnes ayant eu cours sur l’UWAW en 2014. Ces dernières sont abordées comme des lieux de discours, soit des espaces construits dans et par un recours à des discours spécifiques qui participent à la production de savoirs situés dont ils sont aussi, de quelque manière, les produits. Ainsi, l’analyse s’attarde à comprendre comment la production de sens repose sur des discours concurrentiels qui puisent dans des savoirs différents qu’ils contribuent à faire circuler. L’analyse démontre la grande hétérogénéité de l’arabité qui s’est manifestée sous un visage distinct dans chaque campagne. Elle est homogénéisée et universalisée dans Do You know, clivée dans Israël Apartheid Week, et citoyenne dans « Je ne resterai pas silencieuse ». Le genre est davantage stabilisé, puisqu’il agit principalement comme force universalisante dans les trois campagnes.

From authoritarianism to upheaval : the political economy of the Syrian uprising and regime persistence

The ensuing bloodshed and deteriorating humanitarian crisis in Syria, the failure of the United Nations Security Council to reach a consensus on what action to take, and the involvement of contending external actors partially reflect the complexity of the current impasse. Despite the importance of regional and international factors, however, this papers attempts to argue that the domestic dynamics of the Syrian crisis have been vitally important in determining the course of the popular uprising and the regime’s response. In this, Syria’s crisis belongs with the Arab Spring the trajectories and prospects of which have been shaped by dynamics within regimes. It will be seen that the formal and informal institutional structure of the Ba‘thist regime in Syria has been critical to its resilience and ability to stay united so far while attempting to crush a peaceful popular uprising that turned into insurgency in the face of the regime’s violent crackdown.

Blücher and the uprising of Prussia against Napoleon, 1806-1815,

Mode of access: Internet.

The Maid of New Ulm : an historical tale of the Indian uprising and massacre in Minnesota in 1862 : a novel.

Published in 1896 under the title: A fair pioneer.

From Underground to Elite: Egyptian Bloggers before and after the 2011 Uprising

This research looks at how the shift in the status of Egyptian bloggers from underground dissident voices to mainstream political and media players affected the plurality they add to the public space for discourse in Egypt’s authoritarian settings. The role of the internet – and more recently social media and bloggers – in democratic transition has been studied by various media scholars since the introduction of the worldwide web and especially after the Egyptian and Tunisian uprisings of 2011. But no work has been done to study how bringing those once-underground bloggers into the public and media spotlight affected the nature of the blogosphere and the bloggers themselves. Star bloggers were not only covered by the media after January 25th, 2011, they also started joining the media as column writers; a move that had various effects on them and the blogosphere but was never examined in media studies. The plurality the blogosphere adds to the Egyptian public space for discourse in light of those changes as well as in light of the financial and practical sustainability of blogging was hence never looked at in a context similar to Egypt’s. Guided by modified theories of the public sphere and theories of hegemony and manufacturing consent, I look at whether bloggers have been co-opted into the historical bloc in the process of renewing the social order and how this affects them and the online sphere. Also, guided by theories of power and media elites, I look at bloggers’ backgrounds to assess whether they come from power elites and are transforming into media elites, thus limiting the plurality of the online sphere. Finally, guided by theoretical works on institutionalizing and commercializing the internet, I look at how those shifts into mainstream affect the independence and freedom of the blogs and microblogs. The research uses a comparative study to assess how those changes affect prominent versus less prominent bloggers and compare their backgrounds. The study uses quantitative content analysis and framing analysis of chosen media outlets and interviews with bloggers, marketeers and media professionals. The findings trace an increase in media coverage of bloggers post January 25th, 2011, especially in the prominent bloggers category, and an overall positive framing of bloggers post the uprising. This led to the mainstreaming of bloggers into the media as well as public work, which had various implications on the freedom they had over their content and voice, both online and offline. It also points to a dramatic decrease in bloggers’ activity on their blogs in favour of mainstream and social media and due to star bloggers becoming more career-oriented and their failure to make blogs financially sustainable. The findings also indicate that more prominent bloggers seem to come from more elite backgrounds than others and enjoy luxuries that allow them the time, technology and security to post online. This research concludes that the shifts in bloggers’ status post-January 25th have limited the plurality they add to the discourse in Egypt.

Distribuição de tensões em mini-implantes ortodônticos

O objetivo deste trabalho foi avaliar a distribuição de tensões na resina em contato com os filetes de roscas de mini-implantes cilíndricos e cônicos, submetidos à carga lateral e torção de inserção. Um modelo fotoelástico foi confeccionado com gelatina transparente, para simular o osso alveolar. O modelo foi observado com um polariscópio plano e fotografado antes e após a ativação dos mini-implantes com força lateral e de inserção. A aplicação de cargas laterais provocou momentos fletores nos mini-implantes, aparecimento de franjas isocromáticas ao longo dos filetes do corpo dos mini-implantes e no ápice. Quando foi aplicado o torque de inserção, verificou-se a concentração de tensões próxima ao ápice. Concluiu-se que: (1) o mini-implante cilíndrico apresentou maior concentração de tensões no ápice, e (2) o mini-implante cônico apresentou maior concentração de tensões nos filetes de rosca apicais.

Crítica à concepção hegemônica de "erradicação da pobreza" : um estudo sobre a estratégia de naturalização e gestão da barbárie no Espírito Santo

Com base em pesquisa bibliográfica e documental, e fazendo uso da análise de conteúdo, este trabalho tem como objetivo geral analisar a meta erradicar a pobreza até 2025, constituinte do Plano de Desenvolvimento Espírito Santo 2025. Compreendemos que essa meta faz parte do modelo de ―desenvolvimento sustentado‖ elaborado pela burguesia capixaba, organizada no Movimento Empresarial Espírito Santo em Ação, e em articulação com o executivo estadual e a Petrobrás, sem que tenha havido participação de trabalhadores na elaboração do Plano mencionado. Seguem-se as principais conclusões. A meta em questão foi construída sob o marco ideopolítico e teórico da ―internacionalização do combate à pobreza‖, transpondo-se para o território estadual o discurso hegemônico de erradicação daquela condição social, entendida como sendo, em última análise, de responsabilidade do indivíduo, e não enquanto consequência direta do modo de produção capitalista. Além disso, os pobres são compreendidos, na elaboração da meta, de forma dual: ora identificados através do ―pressuposto da falta‖, ora enquanto ―agentes‖ livres para construir seu próprio futuro. Em consequência dessa dualidade, são propostas duas vias de ação tidas como essenciais para ―erradicar a pobreza‖: uma, centrada na transferência de renda para os que vivem na pobreza mais acentuada, e outra, na concessão de (micro)crédito para os pobres não miseráveis, com vistas a possibilitar que se tornem ―empreendedores‖. A meta analisada visa contribuir para promover a ―paz social‖, através da contenção dos pobres e de sua latente revolta diante de sua degradada condição de vida em território espírito-santense, o que demonstra sua funcionalidade para naturalizar e gerir a barbárie que marca a contemporaneidade capitalista.

Synthesis of the Piacenzian onshore record between the Aveiro and Setubal parallels (Western portuguese margin)

Onshore, the Piacenzianof the Mondego and Lower Tagus Tertiary basins comprises siliciclastic sediments deposited in shallow marine to continental environments. The outcrops of the deposits are relatively widespread in the Aveiro and Seuibal region. A lithostratigraphic synthesis based on the correlation of geological sections, is presented for the two basins. In general, the Piacenzian sediments display a regressive sucession. The Late Tortonian-Zanclean (?) confined drainage pattern changed at the beginning of Piazencian, to fluvial systems draining to the Atlantic, and capturing the drainage of the inner parts of the Hesperic Meseta. The Piacenzian sedimentary sequence post-dates one of the uprising phases during Neogene compression, recorded by a strong regional unconformity. Some local active faulting - as in Lousa, Rio Maior and Senibal- Pinhal Novo - allowed the local thickening of the sedimentary record. Later compressive tectonism continues to generate reverse faulting and diapiric reactivation, affecting those sediments. Currently, the Piacenzian deposits culminates the marginal piedmonts, widely eroded by the Quaternary fluvial dissection.

Synthesis of the Piacenzian onshore record between the Aveiro and Setúbal parallels (Western portuguese margin)

Onshore, the Piacenzian of the Mondego and Lower Tagus Tertiary basins comprises siliciclastic sediments deposited in shallow marine to continental environments. The outcrops of the deposits are relatively widespread in the Aveiro and Setúbal region. A lithostratigraphic synthesis based on the correlation of geological sections, is presented for the two basins. In general, the Piacenzian sediments display a regressive sucession. The Late Tortonian-Zanclean (?) confined drainage pattern changed at the beginning of Piazencian, to fluvial systems draining to the Atlantic, and capturing the drainage of the inner parts of the Hesperic Meseta. The Piacenzian sedimentary sequence post-dates one of the uprising phases during Neogene compression, recorded by a strong regional unconformity. Some local active faulting - as in Lousa, Rio Maior and Senibal- Pinhal Novo - allowed the local thickening of the sedimentary record. Later compressive tectonism continues to generate reverse faulting and diapiric reactivation, affecting those sediments. Currently, the Piacenzian deposits culminates the marginal piedmonts, widely eroded by the Quaternary fluvial dissection.

Anatomy of contaminated aquifers of an industrial site: insights from the stable isotope compositions of waters and dissolved inorganic carbon

The hydrogen and oxygen isotopes of water and the carbon isotope composition of dissolved inorganic carbon (DIC) from different aquifers at an industrial site, highly contaminated by organic pollutants representing residues of the former gas production, have been used as natural tracers to characterize the hydrologic system. On the basis of their stable isotope compositions as well as the seasonal variations, different groups of waters (precipitation, surface waters, groundwaters and mineral waters) as well as seasonably variable processes of mixing between these waters can clearly be distinguished. In addition, reservoir effects and infiltration rates can be estimated. In the northern part of the site an influence of uprising mineral waters within the Quaternary aquifers, presumably along a fault zone, can be recognized. Marginal infiltration from the Neckar River in the cast and surface water infiltration adjacent to a steep hill on the western edge of the site with an infiltration rate of about one month can also be resolved through the seasonal variation. Quaternary aquifers closer to the centre of the site show no seasonal variations, except for one borehole close to a former mill channel and another borehole adjacent to a rain water channel. Distinct carbon isotope compositions and concentrations of DIC for these different groups of waters reflect variable influence of different components of the natural carbon cycle: dissolution of marine carbonates in the mineral waters, biogenic, soil-derived CO2 in ground- and surface waters, as well as additional influence of atmospheric CO2 for the surface waters. Many Quaternary aquifer waters have, however, distinctly lower delta(13)C(DIC) values and higher DIC concentrations compared to those expected for natural waters. Given the location of contaminated groundwaters at this site but also in the industrially well-developed valley outside of this site, the most likely source for the low C-13(DIC) values is a biodegradation of anthropogenic organic substances, in particular the tar oils at the site.

Social media and political change: The case of the 2011 revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt

Throughout the past decade, social media have come on the scene of various popular revolts. Their role as tools of information and coordination of social movements, from the Iranian Green Movement in 2009 to the Arab uprisings in 2011, has been widely debated. In most cases, online activism through blogs, Facebook, Twitter or other forms of social media has allowed citizens to be part of a social networking exercise and to engage in a public sphere that would have otherwise been unreachable to them due to severe repression. In Tunisia and Egypt, social media helped protests start and expand thanks to their ability to coordinate and disseminate information quickly. The new information and communication tools were an influential factor in accelerating the revolutionary processes across the Arab world, albeit they cannot be seen as neither the spur nor the drivers of any revolution.