931 resultados para social fields


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Bibliography: p. 503-517. "Bibliographical note" at end of each chapter except the last.

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Pragmatism has sometimes been taken as a catchphrase for epistemological stances in which anything goes. However, other authors argue that the real novelty and contribution of this tradition has to do with its view of action as the context in which all things human take place. Thus, it is action rather than, for example, discourses that should be our starting point in social theory. The introductory section of the book situates pragmatism (especially the ideas of G. H. Mead and John Dewey) within the field and tradition of social theory. This introductory also contextualizes the main core of the book which consists of four chapters. Two of these chapters have been published as articles in scientific journals and one in an edited book. All of them discuss the core problem of social theory: how is action related to social structures (and vice versa)? The argument is that habitual action is the explanation for the emergence of social structures from our action. Action produces structures and social reproduction takes place when action is habitualized; that is, when we develop social dispositions to act in a certain manner in familiar environments. This also means that even though the physical environment is the same for all of us, our habits structure it into different kinds of action possibilities. Each chapter highlights these general insights from different angles. Practice theory has gained momentum in recent years and it has many commonalities with pragmatism because both highlight the situated and corporeal character of human activity. One famous proponent of practice theory is Margaret Archer who has argued that the pragmatism of G. H. Mead leads to an oversocialized conception of selfhood. Mead does indeed present a socialized view of selfhood but this is a meta-sociological argument rather than a substantial sociological claim. Accordingly, one can argue that in this general sense intersubjectivity precedes subjectivity and not the other way around. Such a view does not indicate that our social relation would necessarily "colonize" individual action because there is a place for internal conversations (in Archer s terminology); it is especially in those phases of action where it meets obstacles due to the changes of the environment. The second issue discussed has the background assumption that social structures can fruitfully be conceptualized as institutions. A general classification of different institution theories is presented and it is argued that there is a need for a habitual theory of institutions due to the problems associated with these other theories. So-called habitual institutionalism accounts for institutions in terms of established and prevalent social dispositions that structure our social interactions. The germs of this institution theory can be found in the work of Thorstein Veblen. Since Veblen s times, these ideas have been discussed for example, by the economist Geoffrey M. Hodgson. His ideas on the evolution of institutions are presented but a critical stance is taken towards his tendency of defining institutions with the help of rules because rules are not always present in institutions. Accordingly, habitual action is the most basic but by no means the only aspect of institutional reproduction. The third chapter deals with theme of action and structures in the context of Pierre Bourdieu s thought. Bourdieu s term habitus refers to a system of dispositions which structure social fields. It is argued that habits come close to the concept of habitus in the sense that the latter consists of particular kinds of habits; those that are related to the reproduction of socioeconomic positions. Habits are thus constituents of a general theory of societal reproduction whereas habitus is a systematic combination of socioeconomic habits. The fourth theme relates to issues of social change and development. The capabilities approach has been associated with the name of Amartya Sen, for example, and it underscores problems inhering in economistic ways of evaluating social development. However, Sen s argument has some theoretical problems. For example, his theory cannot adequately confront the problem of relativism. In addition, Sen s discussion lacks also a theory of the role of the public. With the help of arguments derived from pragmatism, one gets an action-based, socially constituted view of freedom in which the role of the public is essential. In general, it is argued that a socially constituted view of agency does not necessarily to lead to pessimistic conclusions about the freedom of action.

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This paper proposes to analyse a situation of social drama involving the Krahô Indians (classified in ethnology as belonging to Jê-Timbira group) and the Museu Paulista of the Universidade de São Paulo, which we can classify as two distinct social fields. The understanding of the drama is conveyed through an examination of each of these fields and the coming together of both on the basis of the positions taken up, within the network of relationships established during the social process, by actors representing both the Krahô field and what we may call here the academic-administrative field. A multi-sited ethnographic approach is adopted, seeking the complexity of the drama and the positions in the aforementioned network, taking into consideration institutional political projects, personal projects and personal trajectories within a historical perspective. The aim is to encourage discussion of the relationship between the formation of the historical-scientific and ethnographic museums and the practices of the anthropological discipline, as well as the social role of these institutions and the processes of signification of objects belonging to the indigenous material culture

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This paper proposes to analyse a situation of social drama involving the Krahô Indians (classified in ethnology as belonging to Jê-Timbira group) and the Museu Paulista of the Universidade de São Paulo, which we can classify as two distinct social fields. The understanding of the drama is conveyed through an examination of each of these fields and the coming together of both on the basis of the positions taken up, within the network of relationships established during the social process, by actors representing both the Krahô field and what we may call here the academic-administrative field. A multi-sited ethnographic approach is adopted, seeking the complexity of the drama and the positions in the aforementioned network, taking into consideration institutional political projects, personal projects and personal trajectories within a historical perspective. The aim is to encourage discussion of the relationship between the formation of the historical-scientific and ethnographic museums and the practices of the anthropological discipline, as well as the social role of these institutions and the processes of signification of objects belonging to the indigenous material culture

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This paper proposes to analyse a situation of social drama involving the Krahô Indians (classified in ethnology as belonging to Jê-Timbira group) and the Museu Paulista of the Universidade de São Paulo, which we can classify as two distinct social fields. The understanding of the drama is conveyed through an examination of each of these fields and the coming together of both on the basis of the positions taken up, within the network of relationships established during the social process, by actors representing both the Krahô field and what we may call here the academic-administrative field. A multi-sited ethnographic approach is adopted, seeking the complexity of the drama and the positions in the aforementioned network, taking into consideration institutional political projects, personal projects and personal trajectories within a historical perspective. The aim is to encourage discussion of the relationship between the formation of the historical-scientific and ethnographic museums and the practices of the anthropological discipline, as well as the social role of these institutions and the processes of signification of objects belonging to the indigenous material culture

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Standardised testing does not recognise the creativity and skills of marginalised youth. This paper presents the development of an innovative approach to assessment designed for the re-engagement of at risk youth who have left formal schooling and are now in an alternative education institution. An electronic portfolio system (EPS) has been developed to capture, record and build on the broad range of students’ cultural and social capital. The assessment as a field of exchange model draws on categories from sociological fields of capital and reconceptualises an eportfolio and social networking hybrid system as a sociocultural zone of learning and development. The EPS, and assessment for learning more generally, are conceptualised as social fields for the exchange of capital (Bourdieu 1977, 1990). The research is underpinned by a sociocultural theoretical perspective that focuses on how students and teachers at the Flexible Learning Centre (FLC) develop and learn, within the zone of proximal development (Vygotsky, 1978). The EPS is seen to be highly effective in the engagement and social interaction between students, teachers and institutions. It is argued throughout this paper that the EPS provides a structurally identifiable space, an arena of social activity, or a field of exchange. The students, teachers and the FLC within this field are producing cultural capital exchanges. The term efield (exchange field) has been coined to refer to this constructed abstract space. Initial results from the trial show a general tendency towards engagement with the EPS and potential for the attainment of socially valued cultural capital in the form of school credentials.

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The ethnic identity and commitment of Heritage Language Learners play salient roles in Heritage Language learning process. The mutually constitutive effect amongst Heritage Language Learner's ethnic identity, commitment, and Heritage Language proficiency has been well documented in social psychological and poststructuralist literatures. Both social psychological and poststructural schools offer meaningful insights into particular contexts but receive critiques from other contexts. In addition, the two schools largely oppose each other. This study uses Bourdieu's sociological triad of habitus, capital, and field to reconcile the two schools through the examination of Chinese Heritage Language Learners in Australia, an idiosyncratic social, cultural, and historical context for these learners. Specifically, this study investigates how young Chinese Australian adults (18-35 in age) negotiate their 'Chineseness' and capitalise on resources through Chinese Heritage Language learning in the lived world. The study adopts an explanatory mixed methods design to combine the quantitative approach with the qualitative approach. The initial quantitative phase addresses the first research question: Is Chinese Heritage Language proficiency of young Chinese Australian adults influenced by their investment of capital, the strength of their habitus of 'Chineseness', or both? The subsequent qualitative phase addresses the second research question: How do young Chinese Australian adults understand their Chinese Heritage Language learning in relation to (potential) profits produced by this linguistic capital in given fields? The initial quantitative phase applies Structural Equation Modelling to analyse the data from an online survey with 230 respondents. Findings indicate the statistically significant positive contribution made by the habitus of 'Chineseness' and by investment of capital to Chinese Heritage Language proficiency (r = .71 and r = .86 respectively). Subsequent multiple regression analysis demonstrates that 62% of the variance of Chinese Heritage Language proficiency can be accounted for by the joint contribution of 'Chineseness' and 'capital'. The qualitative phase of the study uses multiple interviews with five participants. It reveals that Chinese Heritage Language offers meaningful benefits for participants in the forms of capital production and habitus capture or recapture. Findings from the two phases talk to each other in terms of the inherent entanglement amongst habitus of 'Chineseness', investment of capital, and Chinese Heritage Language proficiency. The study offers important contributions. Theoretically, by virtue of Bourdieu's signature concepts of habitus, capital, and field, the study provides answers to questions that both social psychological and poststructuralist theories have long been struggling to answer. Methodologically, the position of 'pluralism' talks back to Bourdieu's theory and forwards to the mixed methods design. Particularly, the study makes a methodological breakthrough: A set of instruments was developed and validated to quantify Bourdieu's key concepts of capital and habitus within certain social fields. Practically, understanding Chinese Australians' heterogeneity and the potential drivers behind Chinese Heritage Language learning contributes to the growing interest in Chinese Australians' contemporary life experiences and helps to better accommodate linguistically diverse Chinese Heritage Language Learners in Chinese language courses. In addition, this study is very timely. It resonates with the recently released Australia in the Asian Century White Paper: Chinese Australians, with sound knowledge of Chinese culture and language obtained through negotiating their 'Chineseness' and capitalising on diverse resources for learning, will help to serve Australia's economic, social, and political needs in unique ways.

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A discussion of the question of context, its boundaries and limitations in educational research - set against the backdrop of the Wittgenstein/Popper debate.