Party government in the United States,

Mode of access: Internet.

Hazardous waste, responsible party clean up efforts require improved oversight : report to the chairman, Subcommittee on Commerce, Transportation and Tourism, Committee on Energy and Commerce, House of Representatives /

"B-221269"--P. [1].

Societal cleavages and institutional change in Canada : retention, reform and removal of nominee councils

En concevant que toute société a deux clivages dominants, l’un social et l’autre partisan, cette thèse développe une théorie sur le changement institutionnel. L’hypothèse initiale, selon laquelle les groupes sociaux créés par le premier clivage agiront pour restreindre le changement institutionnel et que le changement aura lieu lors de l’émergence d’un groupe partisan capable de croiser le clivage social, fut testée par les processus traçant les changements qui furent proposés et qui ont eu lieu au sein des conseils nominés en Amérique du Nord britannique. Ces conseils furent modifiés un bon nombre de fois, devenant les chambres secondaires de législatures provinciales avant d’être éventuellement abolies. La preuve supporte l’hypothèse, bien qu’il ne soit pas suffisant d’avoir un groupe partisan qui puisse croiser le clivage qui mène le changement : un débat partisan sur le changement est nécessaire. Ceci remet aussi en cause la théorie prédominante selon laquelle les clivages sociaux mènent à la formation de partis politiques, suggérant qu’il est plus bénéfique d’utiliser ces deux clivages pour l’étude des institutions.

Aplicación de documentos de identificación electrónica a un esquema de voto telemático a escala paneuropea, seguro, auditable y verificable.

En este trabajo de tesis se propone un esquema de votación telemática, de carácter paneuropeo y transnacional, que es capaz de satisfacer las más altas exigencias en materia de seguridad. Este enfoque transnacional supone una importante novedad que obliga a identificar a los ciudadanos más allá de las fronteras de su país, exigencia que se traduce en la necesidad de que todos los ciudadanos europeos dispongan de una identidad digital y en que ésta sea reconocida más allá de las fronteras de su país de origen. Bajo estas premisas, la propuesta recogida en esta tesis se aborda desde dos vertientes complementarias: por una parte, el diseño de un esquema de votación capaz de conquistar la confianza de gobiernos y ciudadanos europeos y, por otra, la búsqueda de una respuesta al problema de interoperabilidad de Sistemas de Gestión de Identidad (IDMs), en consonancia con los trabajos que actualmente realiza la UE para la integración de los servicios proporcionados por las Administraciones Públicas de los distintos países europeos. El punto de partida de este trabajo ha sido la identificación de los requisitos que determinan el adecuado funcionamiento de un sistema de votación telemática para, a partir de ellos,proponer un conjunto de elementos y criterios que permitan, por una parte, establecer comparaciones entre distintos sistemas telemáticos de votación y, por otra, evaluar la idoneidad del sistema propuesto. A continuación se han tomado las más recientes y significativas experiencias de votación telemática llevadas a cabo por diferentes países en la automatización de sus procesos electorales, analizándolas en profundidad para demostrar que, incluso en los sistemas más recientes, todavía subsisten importantes deficiencias relativas a la seguridad. Asimismo, se ha constatado que un sector importante de la población se muestra receloso y, a menudo, cuestiona la validez de los resultados publicados. Por tanto, un sistema que aspire a ganarse la confianza de ciudadanos y gobernantes no sólo debe operar correctamente, trasladando los procesos tradicionales de votación al contexto telemático, sino que debe proporcionar mecanismos adicionales que permitan superar los temores que inspira el nuevo sistema de votación. Conforme a este principio, el enfoque de esta tesis, se orienta, en primer lugar, hacia la creación de pruebas irrefutables, entendibles y auditables a lo largo de todo el proceso de votación, que permitan demostrar con certeza y ante todos los actores implicados en el proceso (gobierno, partidos políticos, votantes, Mesa Electoral, interventores, Junta Electoral,jueces, etc.) que los resultados publicados son fidedignos y que no se han violado los principios de anonimato y de “una persona, un voto”. Bajo este planteamiento, la solución recogida en esta tesis no sólo prevé mecanismos para minimizar el riesgo de compra de votos, sino que además incorpora mecanismos de seguridad robustos que permitirán no sólo detectar posibles intentos de manipulación del sistema, sino también identificar cuál ha sido el agente responsable. De forma adicional, esta tesis va más allá y traslada el escenario de votación a un ámbito paneuropeo donde aparecen nuevos problemas. En efecto, en la actualidad uno de los principales retos a los que se enfrentan las votaciones de carácter transnacional es sin duda la falta de procedimientos rigurosos y dinámicos para la actualización sincronizada de los censos de votantes de los distintos países que evite la presencia de errores que redunden en la incapacidad de controlar que una persona emita más de un voto, o que se vea impedido del todo a ejercer su derecho. Este reconocimiento de la identidad transnacional requiere la interoperabilidad entre los IDMs de los distintos países europeos. Para dar solución a este problema, esta tesis se apoya en las propuestas emergentes en el seno de la UE, que previsiblemente se consolidarán en los próximos años, tanto en materia de identidad digital (con la puesta en marcha de la Tarjeta de Ciudadano Europeo) como con el despliegue de una infraestructura de gestión de identidad que haga posible la interoperabilidad de los IDMs de los distintos estados miembros. A partir de ellas, en esta tesis se propone una infraestructura telemática que facilita la interoperabilidad de los sistemas de gestión de los censos de los distintos estados europeos en los que se lleve a cabo conjuntamente la votación. El resultado es un sistema versátil, seguro, totalmente robusto, fiable y auditable que puede ser aplicado en elecciones paneuropeas y que contempla la actualización dinámica del censo como una parte crítica del proceso de votación. ABSTRACT: This Ph. D. dissertation proposes a pan‐European and transnational system of telematic voting that is capable of meeting the strictest security standards. This transnational approach is a significant innovation that entails identifying citizens beyond the borders of their own country,thus requiring that all European citizens must have a digital identity that is recognized beyond the borders of their country of origin. Based on these premises, the proposal in this thesis is analyzed in two mutually‐reinforcing ways: first, a voting system is designed that is capable of winning the confidence of European governments and citizens and, second, a solution is conceived for the problem of interoperability of Identity Management Systems (IDMs) that is consistent with work being carried out by the EU to integrate the services provided by the public administrations of different European countries. The starting point of this paper is to identify the requirements for the adequate functioning of a telematic voting system and then to propose a set of elements and criteria that will allow for making comparisons between different such telematic voting systems for the purpose of evaluating the suitability of the proposed system. Then, this thesis provides an in‐depth analysis of most recent significant experiences in telematic voting carried out by different countries with the aim of automating electoral processes, and shows that even the most recent systems have significant shortcomings in the realm of security. Further, a significant portion of the population has shown itself to be wary,and they often question the validity of the published results. Therefore, a system that aspires to win the trust of citizens and leaders must not only operate correctly by transferring traditional voting processes into a telematic environment, but must also provide additional mechanisms that can overcome the fears aroused by the new voting system. Hence, this thesis focuses, first, on creating irrefutable, comprehensible and auditable proof throughout the voting process that can demonstrate to all actors in the process – the government, political parties, voters, polling station workers, electoral officials, judges, etc. ‐that the published results are accurate and that the principles of anonymity and one person,one vote, have not been violated. Accordingly, the solution in this thesis includes mechanisms to minimize the risk of vote buying, in addition to robust security mechanisms that can not only detect possible attempts to manipulate the system, but also identify the responsible party. Additionally, this thesis goes one step further and moves the voting scenario to a pan‐European scale, in which new problems appear. Indeed, one of the major challenges at present for transnational voting processes is the lack of rigorous and dynamic procedures for synchronized updating of different countries’ voter rolls, free from errors that may make the system unable to keep an individual from either casting more than one vote, or from losing the effective exercise of the right to vote. This recognition of transnational identity requires interoperability between the IDMs of different European countries. To solve the problem, this thesis relies on proposals emerging within the EU that are expected to take shape in the coming years, both in digital identity – with the launch of the European Citizen Card – and in the deployment of an identity management infrastructure that will enable interoperability of the IDMs of different member states. Based on these, the thesis proposes a telematic infrastructure that will achieve interoperability of the census management systems of European states in which voting processes are jointly carried out. The result is a versatile, secure, totally robust, reliable and auditable system that can be applied in pan‐European election, and that includes dynamic updating of the voter rolls as a critical part of the voting process.

Racionalidades e ambiguidades da organização instituto federal: o caso do Rio Grande do Norte

Tese de Doutoramento em Ciências da Educação (área de especialização em Organização e Administração Escolar).

A hybrid method for sag source location in power network

The work presented in this paper belongs to the power quality knowledge area and deals with the voltage sags in power transmission and distribution systems. Propagating throughout the power network, voltage sags can cause plenty of problems for domestic and industrial loads that can financially cost a lot. To impose penalties to responsible party and to improve monitoring and mitigation strategies, sags must be located in the power network. With such a worthwhile objective, this paper comes up with a new method for associating a sag waveform with its origin in transmission and distribution networks. It solves this problem through developing hybrid methods which hire multiway principal component analysis (MPCA) as a dimension reduction tool. MPCA reexpresses sag waveforms in a new subspace just in a few scores. We train some well-known classifiers with these scores and exploit them for classification of future sags. The capabilities of the proposed method for dimension reduction and classification are examined using the real data gathered from three substations in Catalonia, Spain. The obtained classification rates certify the goodness and powerfulness of the developed hybrid methods as brand-new tools for sag classification

Incentives and pharmaceutical reimbursement reforms in Spain

The aim of this paper is to assess whether cost-containment has beenaffected by recent pharmaceutical reimbursement reforms that have beenintroduced in the Spanish health care system over the period 1996-2002,under the conservative Popular Party government. Four main reimbursementpolicies can be observed in the Spanish pharmaceutical market after1996, each of them largely unintegrated with the other three. First, asecond supplementary negative list of excluded pharmaceutical productswas introduced in 1998. Second, a reference pricing system wasintroduced in December 2000, with annual updating and enlargement.Third, the pharmacies payment system has moved from the traditionalset margin on the consumer price to a margin that varies according tothe consumer price of the product, the generic status of the product,and the volume of sales by pharmacies. And fourth, general agreementsbetween the government and the industry have been reached with costcontainment objectives. In the final section of this paper we presentan overall assessment of the impact of these pharmaceuticalreimbursement policies on the behaviour of the agents in thepharmaceutical market.

Toimintamalli asuinkiinteistö öljyvahingon hoitamiseksi

Pienkiinteistöjen öljyvahingot ovat viime vuosina lisääntyneet. Tämän työn tarkoituksena on luoda öljyvahingon torjuntaan ja jälkihoitoon osallistuvalle urakoitsijalle toimintamalli asuinkiinteistön öljyvahingon hoitamiseksi. Mallin halutaan erityisesti kuvaavan öljyvahingon hoitoon osallistuvien viranomaisten ja muiden tahojen vastuita ja velvollisuuksia. Työn tavoitteena on myös tunnistaa pienkiinteistöissä tapahtuvat öljyvahinkotyypit sekä niille altistavat riskitekijät. Öljyn päästäminen ympäristöön sekä öljyn käsittely ja varastointi niin, että siitä aiheutuu öljyvahingon vaara, kielletään laissa. Vahinkojen torjumiseksi on annettu määräyksiä muun muassa öljylämmityslaitteistojen turvallisuutta koskien. Asuinkiinteistöjen öljyvahingot liittyvät yleensä öljysäiliön täyttötilanteisiin. Vahinkojen syynä on usein säiliön ja sen varusteiden puutteellisuus tai huono kunto. Asuinrakennusten lämmitykseen käytetään kevyttä polttoöljyä. Maahan joutuessaan polttoöljy imeytyy sora- ja hiekkamaahan nopeasti, jolloin vaarana on öljyn kulkeutuminen pohjaveteen ja vesistöihin. Asuinkiinteistön öljyvahingossa öljyä joutuu usein myös rakenteisiin. Öljyvahingosta tulee ilmoittaa aina hätäkeskukseen. Vastuu öljyvahinkojen torjunnasta kuuluu alueelliselle pelastustoimelle. Torjuntatoimiin osallistuu usein myös urakoitsija. Jos vahinkokohdetta ei torjuntatoimin saada kunnostettua, alueellinen ympäristökeskus voi määrätä puhdistamisesta vastuussa olevan selvittämään pilaantuneen alueen laajuuden ja puhdistamistarpeen sekä toteuttamaan mahdollisen kunnostuksen. Pilaantuneen maaperän kunnostus voidaan toteuttaa massan vaihtona tai paikan päällä maata kaivamatta. Likaantuneiden rakenteiden saneerausta tarvitaan sisäilman hajuhaittojen poistamiseksi. Öljyvahingon kustannukset voivat nousta hyvinkin suuriksi. Ensisijainen vastuu niistä kuuluu vahingonaiheuttajalle.

From protest to powerlessness : a Marxist analysis of the Ontario NDP /

Using Marxist state theory as an analytical framework, this thesis explains the problems faced by the Ontario New Democratic Party government (1990-1995) in implementing a social democratic agenda. Not only was the government constrained in its ability to implement progressive policy, but it was also pushed to implement a Social Contract (involving legislated wage cuts to public sector employees) that alienated the party's base of support, making it more difficult for the party to organize in the future. Although this study relies predominantly on a reinterpretation of existing research on the topic, some primary research is used in the analysis, including interviews with members of the labour movement and former MPPs and analysis of the news media's treatment of the party/ government. Historical and class analytical perspectives are used to explain the evolution of the ONDP's structure and policies, as well as to assess the relative strength of the working class and its ability to support a social democratic political agenda. It was found that the ONDP' s unwillingness to develop a long term plan for social democracy, and its inability to act as a mass party or to build a strong working class movement, made it more difficult for the party to succeed when it formed the government. Moreover, the class nature of the capitalist state, along with pressure exerted by a well mobilized capitalist class, worked to limit the government' s options.

A hybrid method for sag source location in power network

The work presented in this paper belongs to the power quality knowledge area and deals with the voltage sags in power transmission and distribution systems. Propagating throughout the power network, voltage sags can cause plenty of problems for domestic and industrial loads that can financially cost a lot. To impose penalties to responsible party and to improve monitoring and mitigation strategies, sags must be located in the power network. With such a worthwhile objective, this paper comes up with a new method for associating a sag waveform with its origin in transmission and distribution networks. It solves this problem through developing hybrid methods which hire multiway principal component analysis (MPCA) as a dimension reduction tool. MPCA reexpresses sag waveforms in a new subspace just in a few scores. We train some well-known classifiers with these scores and exploit them for classification of future sags. The capabilities of the proposed method for dimension reduction and classification are examined using the real data gathered from three substations in Catalonia, Spain. The obtained classification rates certify the goodness and powerfulness of the developed hybrid methods as brand-new tools for sag classification

Análisis de la postura de la oposición política respecto a la discusión del Estatuto de la oposición en Colombia. Estudio de caso: Polo Democrático Alternativo (2006-2012)

La discusión del Estatuto de la Oposición entre el gobierno de Juan Manuel Santos y el partido de oposición Polo Democrático Alternativo (PDA), alrededor de garantías, como el acceso a los medios de comunicación, derecho a réplica, seguridad, financiación, entre otras, permite analizar la postura del PDA en estas discusiones, teniendo en cuenta su desarrollo histórico como partido y la configuración del régimen, en un país donde se tergiversa y malinterpreta la labor de los partidos que se declaran en oposición.

O mito da inclusão produtiva: o discurso ideológico de cidadania, inclusão social e crescimento econômico do estado brasileiro de FHC à Dilma

A presente dissertação de mestrado tem por objetivo central analisar a concepção de inclusão produtiva, caracterizada por ações de qualificação da força de trabalho vigoradas com maior frequência a partir da Presidência de Lula da Silva, em 2003, e orientada pelo Ministério de Desenvolvimento Social e Combate à Fome (MDS) como tentativa contraditória de promoção do desenvolvimento econômico e enfrentamento à pobreza no Brasil. Os objetivos específicos visam identificar em que momento a inclusão produtiva passou a ser disseminada pelo Governo Federal Brasileiro; investigar os documentos oficiais do Governo Brasileiro, bem como de organismos internacionais que se referem à noção de inclusão produtiva; e analisar os documentos oficiais apreendendo as categorias que explicam a concepção de inclusão produtiva para o MDS. Para tanto, o percurso metodológico de análise do objeto de estudo, dar-se pela pesquisa qualitativa, norteada pelas pesquisas bibliográfica e documental. Assim, busca-se apreender a concepção de inclusão produtiva a partir da análise de 13 (treze) documentos e informações das paginas eletrônicas das instituições como o MTE, a CEPAL e o MDS. Os resultados da pesquisa permitem inferir que a inclusão produtiva incorporada pelo governo petista (Lula da Silva e Dilma Rousseff) é sustentada pelo discurso ideológico de cidadania, inclusão social, crescimento econômico, protagonismo, desenvolvimento de capacidades que integram a noção de qualificação/educação profissional como mediação da inserção laborativa da população pobre no mundo do trabalho. Portanto, essas categorias têm tendência em escamotear o desemprego estrutural, a exploração do trabalho, as desigualdades sociais e promover por meio do ajustamento da população às demandas do capital e, ainda, para que aceite sua posição dentro da sociedade: a de superpopulação necessária à acumulação capitalista.

Uma análise do Programa “Bolsa Creche” no Município de Piracicaba/SP

Este trabalho tem como objetivo apresentar informações, ainda que preliminares, sobre o processo de implantação da Lei Municipal nº 5.081, sancionada em 19 de dezembro de 2001, no município de Piracicaba pela gestão do Partido dos Trabalhadores cujo texto outorga parcerias entre os setores público e privado. Neste trabalho entende-se por implantação a ação desencadeada pelo governo para introduzir, inserir e estabelecer uma determinada proposta no campo educacional, no caso em estudo, a proposta refere-se ao Programa “Bolsa-Creche”.

Entrando na partida: a formulação de políticas de comunicação e cultura para jogos digitais no Brasil entre 2003 e 2014

Pós-graduação em Comunicação - FAAC

The Blue Dog Coalition: Impact of a Single-Issue Caucus from the 104th to the 110th Congress

The Blue Dog Coalition is an informal organization of legislators within the House of Representatives that strives to influence policy on fiscal responsibility, attract the attention of the electorate, They are a group that elicits wide range of reactions covering the length of the political spectrum, but despite this, their claims of special defense of fiscal conservatism within the Democratic Party have gone relatively undocumented by the academic community.This project has integrated a party literature with a caucus literature, in the attempt of building a novel framework for research. Work on polarization, the significance of parties, the purpose and history of caucuses all have been fused in such away that the Blue Dogs have created an opportunity to test broad congressional questions on a caucus-microcosm scale. Three important questions have emerged from the many possible avenues of exploration on the topic: How does admission into the Blue Dog Coalition effect voting behavior - measured by interest, ideology, and party unityscores? How does party leadership delegate prestigious committee assignments, a traditional indicator of partisan favor and influence, towards Blue Dogs? Can we use the Blue Dog Coalition as an indicator of fiscal conservatism? To each of these questions, a number of interesting results emerged. Blue Dogs, in the 104th scored higher in conservative interest group scores, more towards the center in ideological methods, and lower in party unity Dogs began to behave closer to their Democratic counterparts. In addition, membership on these select committees rose from a very small number to greater proportional parity within the Democratic Party. Perhaps most interesting, the Blue Dog Coalition does behave as a significant, independent predictor effect on NTU scores, a variable used to demonstrate fiscal conservatism. This research has shown, first and foremost, that it is useful and practical to applyold arguments within the party literature to a smaller, caucus level of analysis that is relatively untouched by the political science field. For the Blue Dogs, specifically, we have tested the validity of their claims in an attempt to reach broader questions ofdemocratic responsibility and electoral clarity. This work, and other work I have drawn upon, has barely scratched the surface on Blue Dog Democrats and other caucuses of comparable influence and popularity, and there remains a wealth of research material onthis caucus alone to be explored by scholars in the field of congressional politics.