La racialisation comme constitution de la différence : une ethnographie documentaire de la santé publique aux États-Unis

On note de nos jours une intensification, aux États-Unis, de l’usage de la race en santé publique, une idée qui est parfois rejetée dans la mesure où elle est associée à des pratiques controversées. Les races sont vues, dans ce contexte, comme le produit du racisme, une technologie du pouvoir de l’État moderne qui a consisté à fragmenter l’humanité pour permettre les colonisations. C'est ainsi que la race a été prise en charge par le discours pour marquer la différence, discours qui est constitué d'un ensemble hétérogène de dispositifs, des institutions, des énoncés scientifiques, des normes et des règles. Le racisme s’est développé en parallèle avec l'affirmation d'un pouvoir sur la vie visant à assurer la gestion des corps et des populations, notamment par le biais des pratiques de santé publique. Cette thèse s'appuie sur une étude ethnographique réalisée sur un corpus de documents de la santé publique parus aux États-Unis et issus de bureaux fédéraux et d’une importante revue spécialisée dans le domaine sanitaire, et qui ont été publiés entre 2001 et 2009. Cette étude a analysé la manière dont la race est représentée, produite comme objet de connaissance, et régulée par les pratiques discursives dans ces documents. Les résultats confirment que le discours sur la race varie au cours du temps. Toutefois, les résultats indiquent la relative permanence en santé publique d'un régime racialisé de représentation qui consiste à identifier, à situer et à opposer les sujets et les groupes à partir de labels standardisés. Ce régime est composé d'un ensemble de pratiques représentationnelles qui, couplées aux techniques disciplinaires et à l’idée de culture, aboutissent à la caractérisation et à la formation d’objets racialisés et à des stéréotypes. De plus, cet ensemble d’opérations qui fabrique la racialisation, a tendance, avec la sanitarisation et la culturalisation, à naturaliser la différence, à reproduire l’ordre symbolique et à constituer les identités raciales. Par ailleurs, la racialisation apparaît tiraillée entre un pouvoir sur la vie et un pouvoir sur la mort. Enfin, cette étude propose une alternative postraciale qui envisage la constitution des groupes humains de manière fluide et déterritorialisée.

What’s the Problem? Precarious Youth: Marginalisation, Criminalisation and Racialisation.

Since the nineteenth century invention of adolescence, young people have been consistently identified as social problems in western societies. Their contemporary status as a focus of fear and anxiety is, in that sense, nothing new. In this paper, I try to combine this sense of historical recurrence about the youth problem with some questions about what is different about the present – asking what is distinctive about the shape of the youth problem now? This is a difficult balance to strike, and what I have to say will probably lean more towards an emphasis on the historical conditions and routes of the youth problem. That balance reflects my own orientations and knowledge (I am not expert on the contemporary conditions of being young). But it also arises from my belief that much contemporary social science is profoundly forgetful. An enthusiasm for stressing the newness, or novelty, of the present connects many varieties of contemporary scholarship. One result is the construction of what Janet Fink and I have referred to as ‘sociological time’ in which

New ethnicities online: reflexive racialisation and the internet

In this article we analyse the emergence of Internet activity addressing the experiences of young people in two British communities: South Asian and Chinese.We focus on two web sites: www.barficulture.com and www.britishbornchinese.org.uk, drawing on interviews with site editors, content analysis of the discussion forums, and E-mail exchanges with site users. Our analysis of these two web sites shows how collective identities still matter, being redefined rather than erased by online interaction. We understand the site content through the notion of reflexive racialisation. We use this term to modify the stress given to individualisation in accounts of reflexive modernisation. In addition we question the allocation of racialised meaning from above implied by the concept of racialisation. Internet discussion forums can act as witnesses to social inequalities and through sharing experiences of racism and marginalisation, an oppositional social perspective may develop. The online exchanges have had offline consequences: social gatherings, charitable donations and campaigns against adverse media representations. These web sites have begun to change the terms of engagement between these ethnic groups and the wider society,and they have considerable potential to develop new forms of social action.

A common ‘outlawness’ : criminalisation of Muslim minorities in the UK and Australia

Since mass immigration recruitments of the post-war period, ‘othered’ immigrants to both the UK and Australia have faced ‘mainstream’ cultural expectations to assimilate, and various forms of state management of their integration. Perceived failure or refusal to integrate has historically been constructed as deviant, though in certain policy phases this tendency has been mitigated by cultural pluralism and official multiculturalism. At critical times, hegemonic racialisation of immigrant minorities has entailed their criminalisation, especially that of their young men. In the UK following the ‘Rushdie Affair’ of 1989, and in both Britain and Australia following these states’ involvement in the 1990-91 Gulf War, the ‘Muslim Other’ was increasingly targeted in cycles of racialised moral panic. This has intensified dramatically since the 9/11 terrorist attacks and the ensuing ‘War on Terror’. The young men of Muslim immigrant communities in both these nations have, over the subsequent period, been the subject of heightened popular and state Islamophobia in relation to: perceived ‘ethnic gangs’; alleged deviant, predatory masculinity including so-called ‘ethnic gang rape’; and paranoia about Islamist ‘radicalisation’ and its supposed bolstering of terrorism. In this context, the earlier, more genuinely social-democratic and egalitarian, aspects of state approaches to ‘integration’ have been supplanted, briefly glossed by a rhetoric of ‘social inclusion’, by reversion to increasingly oppressive assimilationist and socially controlling forms of integrationism. This article presents some preliminary findings from fieldwork in Greater Manchester over 2012, showing how mainly British-born Muslims of immigrant background have experienced these processes.

International juvenile (in)justice : penal severity and rights compliance

This article focuses on the anomalies and contradictions surrounding the notion of ‘international juvenile justice’, whether in its pessimistic (neoliberal penality and penal severity) or optimistic (universal children’s rights and rights compliance) incarnations. It argues for an analysis which recognises firstly, the uneven, multi-facetted and heterogeneous nature of the processes of globalisation and secondly, how the global, the international, the national and the local are not mutually exclusive but continually interact to re-constitute, re-make and challenge each other.

On the Border of Indeterminacy: The Separation Wall in East Jerusalem

Drawing on a perspective which takes into account the convergences of sovereign and biopolitical ruling apparatuses, the aim of this article is to provide a comprehensive view of the Separation Wall constructed by Israel in East Jerusalem, and, through it, of Israeli control of Palestinian East Jerusalem. Neither a comprehensive border, nor a mere barrier, the Separation Wall which is being constructed in Jerusalem operates to reinstates sovereign power in arrays of governmentality for the purpose of drawing on the ability of sovereignty to appropriate legitimacy for the territorialisation of governmentality. This article claims that these territorialised arrays of governmentality give rise to processes of racialisation, by maintaining a grip on the communities of Palestinians in East Jerusalem and sustaining them in an intermediate position, standing in the way of their full integration into the Israeli population while severing their existing connections with the Palestinians in the West Bank. © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC.

Hårda nypor för ett mjukt samhälle? : Om medialisering och rasifiering i utspelspolitikens Sverige

Toughness for a soft society? On medialisation, racialisation and the politics of spin in Sweden In recent years, issues concerning the future of “multicultural Sweden” have become a salient feature in Swedish politics. One important actor in recent years’ debates about the problems confronting “multicultural Sweden” is the Swedish Liberal Party. Since the general election of 2002, the party has gained both publicity and electoral support by focusing the question of “integration of immigrants” in terms of assimilation and intensified demands aimed at the “immigrant Others”. In this article, the party’s recent developments in the area of integration policy is analysed within the framework of two general processes in contemporary politics, the politics of racialisation and the medialisation of politics. The party’s successful interventions in the area of integration policy are built on an intimate as well as complex interplay between racialisation and medialisation. The agenda articulated by the party, further, has several similarities with the agenda of “authoritarian populist” movements throughout Europe.

Development of the reflexive antiracism scale – indigenous

Purpose – Reflexive Antiracism is an approach to antiracism that seeks to avoid the limitations of essentialism and negative emotional reactions through a focus on racialisation (a concept that encompasses both racism and antiracism) as well as the formation and maintenance of racialised identities. This paper aims to outline the construction and validation of a scale to measure this novel theoretical construct: the Reflexive Antiracism Scale-Indigenous (RAS-I).

Design/methodology/approach – In the context of a cultural training course focused on Indigenous peoples in Australia, 20 items to assess attitudes were developed along with four hypothetical scenarios designed to assess behavioural intentions in specific situations. The survey formed by these items and scenarios was piloted to assess test-retest, concurrent and construct validity as well as item endorsement and internal reliability.

Findings – Findings suggest that an 11-item scale based on this survey forms a valid and reliable measure of Reflexive Antiracism. Further research and applications are discussed.

Originality/value – This paper will prompt further exploration of Reflexive Antiracism as a concept that can be applied in a range of settings where a more nuanced understanding and approach to antiracism may be of benefit. Being aware of their position within a society that is racialised will allow antiracists to be reflexive (and realistic) about their ability as individuals to achieve antiracist ideals while continuing to strive towards them.

Reflexive antiracism : a novel approach to diversity training

This article introduces the concept of reflexive antiracism as a response to two major critiques of antiracism theory and praxis: the dangers of essentialism and the elicitation of counter-productive emotional reactions. The article explores these critiques as they apply to two broad approaches to diversity training: cultural awareness and antiracism. Reflexive antiracism offers an alternative to existing approaches through a focus on racialisation and the formation and maintenance of racialised identities in particular. An emphasis on the paradoxes of racialisation and the contingencies of minority and white antiracist identities can promote a realistic and productive understanding of diversity training that may avoid the pitfalls of existing approaches. To conclude, an outline of factors that contribute to reflexive antiracism praxis are presented, drawing on examples from an existing diversity training course.

Racialised bodies encounter the city: 'long grassers' and asylum seekers in Darwin

The visibility of bodies of colour in public space can engender responses of anxiety, insecurity and discomfort in cities with white majority cultures. Such embodied responses that privilege the invisibility of whiteness have effects if they mark Aboriginal people and asylum seekers who arrive by boat as ‘out of place’ in public spaces of Australian cities. Drawing on fieldwork conducted in Darwin, I argue, however, that such white spaces are interrupted by habits of touch, multi-sensory events that contribute to fleshy moments of belonging for these racialised bodies that experience dispossession and displacement. Such belonging emerges from the intertwining fleshiness of bodies in a world where we affect and are affected by other bodies and things.

The paper explores two events held in public spaces of suburban Darwin, a weekly painting activity at a beach reserve that engages ‘Long Grassers’, Aboriginal people who live in open spaces, and a cooking session at a community centre that welcomes asylum-seeker families from a detention centre. Felix Ravaisson's philosophy of habit as virtue and spontaneous practice is a starting point for thinking about how haptic knowledges can provide a nuanced understanding of belonging, encounter and ethical engagement in a racially diverse white settler city.