988 resultados para primavera araba, rivoluzione tunisina


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Questo elaborato nasce da una grande passione per quello che è il mondo arabo in generale e un interesse particolare per la Tunisia, in seguito a un viaggio in quel paese. Mi sono interessata a questo argomento, in seguito a un viaggio effettuato a Tunisi, durante l'estate 2012, dove ho frequentato un corso di lingua araba presso l’università di lingue, di H. Bourguiba di Tunisi. E stata un'esperienza davvero forte e istruttiva. Un mese non è molto tempo, e appena ci si ambienta è già tempo di ritornare a casa, ma si riesce comunque ad avere uno squarcio di quella che è la cultura tunisina, molto accogliente, e fiera del proprio paese. Durante questo viaggio, sono entrata in contatto con molte persone, donne, giovani, anziani, e avevano tutti un punto in comune, erano tutti curiosi di sapere (soprattutto i giovani) cosa pensava l'Europa della rivoluzione, attuata un anno prima. I giovani erano fieri di essere riusciti a cacciare il presidente, mentre tra i più grandi le opinioni erano molto contrastate tra loro. Molti si lamentavano dell'ascesa del potere religioso, mentre altri denunciavano peggiori condizioni economiche e di vita. In quel momento era passato soltanto un anno e mezzo da quando il Presidente diede le dimissioni, e il processo di transizione era in pieno subbuglio. Da allora, sono passati due anni e la situazione socio-politica si è evoluta e cambiata e forse nemmeno ancora stabilizzata completamente.

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From several researchers it appears that Italian adolescents and young people are grown up with commercial television which is accused to contain too much violence, sex, reality shows, advertising, cartoons which are watched from 1 to 4 hours daily. Adolescents are also great users of mobile phones and spend a lot of time to use it. Their academic results are below the average of Ocse States. However the widespread use of communication technology and social networks display also another side of adolescents who engage in media activism and political movement such as Ammazzateci tutti!, Indymedia, Movimento 5 Stelle, Movimento No Tav. In which way does the world economic crisis -with the specific problems of Italy as the cutting founds for school, academic research and welfare, the corruption of political class, mafia and camorra organisation induce a reaction in our adolescents and young people? Several researches inform us about their use of internet in terms of spending time but, more important, how internet, and the web 2.0, could be an instrument for their reaction? What do they do online? How they do it? Which is the meaning of their presence online? And, has their online activity a continuity offline? The research aims are: 1. Trough a participant observation of Social Network profiles opened by 10 young active citizens, I would seek to understand which kind of social or political activities they engage in online as individuals and which is the meaning of their presence online. 2. To observe and understand if adolescents and young people have a continuity of their socio-political engagement online in offline activities and which kind of experiences it is. 3. Try to comprehend which was (or which were) the significant, learning experiences that convinced them about the potential of the web as tool for their activism.

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Poem

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The work examines the change involving the Church in Tunisia from the period of the Protectorate to the present through the fundamental moments of independence (1956) and the signing of the ‘Modus vivendi’ (1964). In the first structure of the “modern” Church, a fundamental role was played by the complex figure of the French Cardinal Charles-Allemand Lavigerie who, while giving strong impulse to setting up disinterested charitable social initiatives by the congregations (Pères Blancs, Soeurs Blanches and others), also represented the ideal of the ‘evangelizing’ (as well as colonial) Church which, despite its declared will to avoid proselytism, almost inevitably tended to slip into it. During the French Protectorate (1881-1956) the ecclesiastic institution concentrated strongly on itself, with little heed for the sensitivity of its host population, and developed its activities as if it were in a European country. From the social standpoint, the Church was mostly involved in teaching, which followed the French model, and health facilities. In the Church only the Pères Blancs missionaries were sincerely committed to promoting awareness of the local context and dialogue with the Muslims. The Catholic clergy in the country linked its religious activity close to the policy of the Protectorate, in the hope of succeeding in returning to the ancient “greatness of the African Church”, as the Eucharistic Congress in Carthage in 1930 made quite clear. The Congress itself planted the first seed in the twentyfive- year struggle that led the Tunisian population to independence in 1956 and the founding of the Republic in 1957. The conquest of independence and the ‘Modus vivendi’ marked a profound change in the situation and led to an inversion of roles: the Catholic community was given the right to exist only on the condition that it should not interfere in Tunisian society. The political project of Bourguiba, who led the Republic from 1957 to 1987, aimed to create a strongly egalitarian society, with a separation between political and religious powers. In particular, in referring to the Church, he appeared as a secularist with no hostility towards the Catholics who were, however, considered as “cooperators”, welcome so long as they were willing to place their skills at the service of the construction of the state. So, in the catholic Community was a tension between the will of being on the side of the country and that of conserving a certain distance from it and not being an integral part of it. In this process of reflection, the role of the Second Vatican Council was fundamental: it spread the idea of a Church open to the world and the other religions, in particular to Islam: the teaching of the Council led the congregations present in the country to accept the new condition. This new Church that emerged from the Council saw some important events in the process of “living together”, of “cultural mixing” and the search for a common ground between different realities. The almost contemporary arrival of Arab bishops raised awareness among the Tunisians of the existence of Christian Arabs and, at the same time, the Catholic community began considering their faith in a different way. In the last twenty years the situation has continued to change. Side by side with the priests present for decades or even those born there, some new congregations have begun to operate, albeit in small numbers: they have certainly revitalized the community of the faithful, but they sometimes appear more devoted to service “within” the Church, than to services for the population, and are thus characterized by exterior manifestations of their religion. This sort of presence has made it possible for Bourguiba's successor, Ben Ali (president from 1987 to 2011), to practice forms of tolerance even more clearly, but always limited to formal relations; the Tunisians are still far from having a real understanding of the Catholic reality, with certain exceptions connected to relations on a personal and not structured plane, as was the case in the previous period. The arrival of a good number of young people from sub-Saharan Africa, most of all students, belonging to the JCAT, and personnel of the BAD has “Africanized” the Church in Tunisia and has brought about an increase in Christians' exterior manifestations; but this is a visibility that is not blatant but discreet, with the implicit risk of the Church continuing to be perceived as a sort of exterior body, alien to the country; nor can we say, lacking proper documentation, how it will be possible to build a bridge between different cultures through the “accompaniment” of Christian wives of Tunisians. Today, the Church is living in a country that has less and less need of it; its presence, in the schools and in health facilities, is extremely reduced. And also in other sectors of social commitment, such as care for the disabled, the number of clergymen involved is quite small. The ‘revolution’ in 2011 and the later developments up to the present have brought about another socio-political change, characterized by a climate of greater freedom, but with as yet undefinable contours. This change in the political climate will inevitable have consequences in Tunisia’s approach to religious and cultural minorities, but it is far too soon to discuss this on the historical and scientific planes.

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Em Portugal a saúde tem a dignidade de ser considerada na Constituição da República (CR), no capítulo dos direitos e deveres sociais (Capítulo II). Aí se afirma que “todos têm direito à proteção da saúde e o dever de a defender e promover” (CR, artº 64, nº 1), balanceando-se assim as responsabilidades do Estado, através do dever de proteção, com as responsabilidades individuais, através do dever de defender e promover a saúde. O Estado assume o seu dever garantindo “o acesso de todos os cidadãos, independentemente da sua condição económica” (CR, artº 64, nº3, al. a). O acesso aos cuidados de saúde constitui-se assim como a forma de o Estado garantir aos cidadãos o direito à saúde.

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Dissertação apresentada à Escola Superior de Comunicação Social como parte dos requisitos para obtenção de grau de mestre em Jornalismo.

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A onda de protestos globais de 2011 reacendeu o debate sobre as potencialidades e limitações que derivam da incorporação de novas tecnologias de informação e comunicação (TIC) por parte dos movimentos sociais. Que características diferenciam os movimentos sociais tradicionais dos contemporâneos? Quais os efeitos transformativos da apropriação das novas tecnologias por parte dos grupos de ação coletiva? De que modo as tecnologias digitais podem contribuir para o engajamento cívico e político? Esta dissertação pretende refletir sobre estas questões, através da análise de distintos casos de estudo onde que se incluem os mais mediáticos movimentos sociais dos últimos anos: a revolução tunisina e egípcia enquanto exemplos ilustrativos da “Primavera Árabe”; o caso islandês, onde as manifestações culminaram num inovador projeto de e-democracy; e o movimento espanhol 15M/Indignados, que mobilizou milhares de pessoas em prol de uma renovação do sistema democrático.

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Describe las acciones realizadas por el Crucero 6611, a bordo del B.A.P. Unanue, correspondiente a la primavera de 1966, efectuadas en 130 estaciones con 17 perfiles desde Punta Coles hasta Máncora y Punta Aguja. Así mismo, estudian las principales condiciones hidrográficas, biológicas y la distribución del desove de la anchoveta así como la del plancton y las aves marinas.

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Informe del crucero de primavera 6711 a bordo del Unanue, que formó parte del programa de cruceros del Instituto del Mar del Perú para 1967. El mar fue explorado de Cabo Blanco a Ilo, mediante 19 perfiles perpendiculares a la costa que incluyeron 137 estaciones de observación, con un recorrido de 4870 millas.

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Evalúa el stock de la merluza y de otros recursos dermesales, determina la intensidad del desove y la distribución del stock reproductivo, así como las condiciones ambientales que están influyendo en la distribución y concentración del recurso.

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Describe las condiciones oceanografías de invierno y primavera de 1989 frente a la costa peruana y sus efectos frente a la flora y fauna marina, así mismo, da énfasis a las anomalías surgidas en dicho periodo.