969 resultados para political movements


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The use of the internet for political purposes is not new; however, the introduction of social media tools has opened new avenues for political activists. In an era where social media has been credited as playing a critical role in the success of revolutions (Earl & Kimport, 2011; Papic & Noonan, 2011; Wooley, Limperos & 10 Beth, 2010), governments, law enforcement and intelligence agencies need to develop a deeper understanding of the broader capabilities of this emerging social and political environment. This can be achieved by increasing their online presence and through the application of proactive social media strategies to identify and manage potential threats. Analysis of current literature shows a gap 15 in the research regarding the connection between the theoretical understanding and practical implications of social media when exploited by political activists,and the efficacy of existing strategies designed to manage this growing challenge. This paper explores these issues by looking specifically at the use of three popular social media tools: Facebook; Twitter; and YouTube. Through the examination of 20 recent political protests in Iran, the UK and Egypt from 2009�2011, these case studies and research in the use of the three social media tools by political groups, the authors discuss inherent weaknesses in online political movements and discuss strategies for law enforcement and intelligence agencies to monitor these activities.

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The Routledge Handbook of Political Islam provides a multidisciplinary overview of the phenomenon of political Islam, one of the key political movements of our time. Drawing on the expertise from some of the top scholars in the world it examines the main issues surrounding political Islam across the world, from aspects of Muslim integration in the West to questions of political legitimacy in the Muslim world.

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Social media are now widely used for political protests, campaigns, and communication in developed and developing nations, but available research has not yet paid sufficient attention to experiences beyond the US and UK. This collection tackles this imbalance head-on, compiling cutting-edge research across six continents to provide a comprehensive, global, up-to-date review of recent political uses of social media. Drawing together empirical analyses of the use of social media by political movements and in national and regional elections and referenda, The Routledge Companion to Social Media and Politics presents studies ranging from Anonymous and the Arab Spring to the Greek Aganaktismenoi, and from South Korean presidential elections to the Scottish independence referendum. The book is framed by a selection of keystone theoretical contributions, evaluating and updating existing frameworks for the social media age. "Comprehensive and definitive, this is an outstanding book that provides a panoramic view of politics in an era of social media. From the Mediterranean to East Asia to Oceania, from Scandinavia to sub-Sahara Africa to Latin America, the volume as a whole is truly global, yet with nuanced regional and national analyses in each chapter. Theoretically informed, the research presented here breaks new empirical grounds using latest digital methods. The result is a milestone for our collective understanding of new media technology and comparative politics in the twenty-first century." ―Jack Linchuan Qiu, The Chinese University of Hong Kong "This book brings together top scholars from across disciplines and across the globe to examine social media use in a variety of political systems and for distinct purposes. It is required reading for anyone interested in understanding the many ways that digital communication technologies now are used in political life." ―Jennifer Stromer-Galley, Syracuse University

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The interwar era saw the collapse of liberal democracy and the rise of anti-democratic authoritarian movements and states throughout much of Europe. Parliamentary or liberal democracy proved especially vulnerable in countries with large Catholic populations and ‘successor states’ – those states that achieved independence following the Great War. Despite meeting both criteria, the democratic structures of the Irish Free State – established in 1922 following a revolutionary struggle against British rule – proved remarkably resilient: indeed, it was arguably the only successor state to remain fully democratic by 1939 This outcome appears all the more striking given the formation of the state amidst a civil war, a form of conflict that frequently prevented the successful emergence of democracy. This is an article about the dog that didn’t bark: why did the kind of authoritarian political movements that flourished in many other parts of interwar Europe attract negligible support in the Irish Free State, and what does this have to tell us about the relationship between Catholicism and authoritarian politics? It begins by surveying the Irish Catholic Church’s attitudes to far-right politics in Continental Europe, and assessing how ‘official’ Catholic attitudes shaped popular perceptions of fascism and clerical authoritarianism within Ireland. It then explores the extent to which Ireland’s only significant fascistic movement – the Blueshirts – was influenced by, and sought to exploit, Catholicism. It concludes by questioning whether the immense influence of the Catholic Church and Catholic values within Irish political culture and society facilitated or hindered the cause of authoritarian politics in Ireland.

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O surgimento da Web 2.0 imprimiu uma mudança na postura dos utilizadores da Web que passaram a poder não apenas ler e pesquisar, como também colaborar e produzir e publicar informação, adotando uma postura ativa. As redes sociais são uma poderosa ferramenta à qual recorrem movimentos sociais e políticos, o mundo da publicidade e do marketing, com evidentes efeitos nos indivíduos e na sociedade. Por seu lado, o desenvolvimento profissional de professores é um processo permanente, pelo que é reconhecida a importância da aprendizagem ao longo da vida em ambientes formais, não-formais e informais. Neste contexto, as redes sociais surgem como potenciais instrumentos de comunicação, interação, partilha e trabalho colaborativo, determinantes para o crescimento profissional dos docentes que almejam uma contínua aprendizagem. Este estudo de caso, que se centra na Interactic 2.0, uma rede social profissional essencialmente dirigida a educadores e criada numa aplicação Web 2.0 (Ning), teve como principal objetivo verificar em que medida esta rede social, ao possibilitar a formação e o desenvolvimento de uma comunidade de prática online, contribui para o desenvolvimento profissional dos docentes do ensino não superior. Os dados obtidos através da aplicação de inquéritos por questionário aos membros da Interactic 2.0, de entrevistas aos administradores da rede e da análise de interações num grupo específico da rede, revelam que os docentes do ensino não superior utilizam as ferramentas Web 2.0 para fins profissionais, nomeadamente as redes sociais, as aplicações de escritório online e os blogues. Conscientes dos riscos associados às redes sociais, mas também da necessidade de um constante enriquecimento profissional, os professores do ensino não superior reconhecem o interesse das redes sociais em geral, e da Interactic 2.0 em particular, como privilegiados instrumentos de partilha que contribuem para a sua atualização sobre aspetos curriculares e pedagógicos. Muito embora apenas concorram para o fomento do trabalho colaborativo entre professores, a Interactic 2.0 contribui para o aumento das competências digitais dos seus membros e para uma melhor integração das TIC em contexto educativo. A Interactic 2.0 é, portanto, uma comunidade de prática, constituída por um vasto número de pessoas com um interesse comum, que partilham e constroem conhecimento em torno de um domínio, criando um espaço partilhado de reflexão crítica sobre os temas em torno da educação.

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Italy is currently experiencing profound political change. One aspect of this change involves the decline in electoral support for the Italian Christian Democratic Party (DC) and the Italian Communist Party (PCI), now the Democratic Party of the Left (PDS). Signs of the electoral decline of both parties began to appear in the late 1970s and early 1980s and accelerated in the late 1980s and early 1990s. The pr imar y purpos e of th is thes is is to expla i n the electoral decline of the DC and PCI/PDS in the last decade. The central question being addressed in this thesis is the following: What factors contributed to the decline in electoral support for the DC and PCI? In addition, the thesis attempts to better comprehend the change in magni tude and direction of the Italian party system. The thesis examines the central question within an analytical framework that consists of models explaining electoral change in advanced industrial democracies and in Italy. A review of the literature on electoral change in Italy reveals three basic models: structural (socioeconomic and demographic factors), subcultural (the decline of the Catholic and Communist subcultures), and pol i tical (factors such as party strategy, and the crisis and collapse of communism in iv Eastern Europe and the former soviet Union and the end to the Cold War). Significant structural changes have occurred in Italy, but they do not invariably hurt or benefit either party. The Catholic and Communist subcultures have declined in size and strength, but only gradually. More importantly, the study discovers that the decline of communism and party strategy adversely affected the electoral performances of the DC and PC!. The basic conclusion is that political factors primarily and directly contributed to the decline in electoral support for both parties, while societal factors (structural and subcultural changes) played a secondary and indirect role. While societal factors do not contribute directly to the decline in electoral support for both parties, they do provide the context within which both parties operated. In addition, the Italian party system is becoming more fragmented and traditional political parties are losing electoral support to new political movements, such as the Lega Nord (LN-Northern League) and the Rete (Network). The growing importance of the North-South and centre-periphery cleavages suggests that the Italian party system, which is traditionally based on religious and ideological cleavages, may be changing.

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La democratización que conoce América Latina desde la década de los noventa del siglo pasado, el debilitamiento del marxismo dogmático, la terminación de la guerra fría y la presencia de nuevos actores sociales en la arena política han modificado el tradicional equilibrio de poderes en la región. Desde entonces han comenzado a desarrollarse nuevos movimientos sociales como los de derechos humanos, de grupos indígenas, de género, etc., lo que ha favorecido a las formaciones de centro izquierda. Es así como una ola de movimientos y partidos de izquierda se ha ido extendiendo por América Latina. El triunfo electoral de líderes de formaciones de izquierda en sucesivos países constituye la expresión más evidente de esta dinámica.

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El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo mostrar los efectos del acto legislativo 01 de 2003, en las elecciones a la Cámara de Representantes de 2006 en el Departamento de Antioquia. Esto con el fin de mostrar el comportamiento de los partidos y movimientos políticos antes y después de entrar en vigencia la reforma. El objetivo principal de la investigación es identificar y entender la cotidianidad y las prácticas políticas a las que los partidos tradicionales y las nuevas organizaciones estaban acostumbradas después de la constitución de 1991. Estas reglas de juego planteadas por las Constitución Política, cambiaron el panorama político tanto para los partidos tradicionalistas, como para las nuevas organizaciones que querían y reclamaban reconocimiento, participación y poder. Reglas que se transformaron con la reforma política, y específicamente con el Acto legislativo 01 de 2003, cambiando el escenario político y por ende el comportamiento electoral.

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El presente Estado del Arte constituye una revisión sistemática desde la Ciencia Política de un problema previamente delimitado por la historiografía política del siglo XX en Colombia: el de la acción política de movimientos políticos disidentes durante el Frente Nacional. Para ello, se ha recurrido a una propuesta proveniente de la teoría del proceso teórico, que sistematice y ordene aquellos elementos que constituyeron el eje de la movilización política y social del Movimiento Revolucionario Liberal, en un contexto caracterizado por la institucionalización de mecanismos de exclusión política y de bloqueo a las reivindicaciones sociales.

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El presente estudio de caso se constituye como bibliografía básica para aquel que quiera acercarse al fenómeno MIRA, nacido en Colombia (Latinoamérica) y patentado en la ONU para ser ideología mundial. Es un documento pionero en la clasificación metódica y rigurosa de las estrategias de marketing electoral empleadas por el MIRA ya que es la primera vez que se ponen a disposición del público en general.

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Aceptando hipotéticamente que se ha de considerar moralmente a los animales el texto se pregunta por las razones que validan dicha tesis y, además, por los mecanismos a través de los cuales dicha consideración sería efectiva. Frente a estas preguntas se revisarán tres enfoques teóricos que ofrecen respuestas diversas a los interrogantes planteados: el enfoque de los intereses de Peter Singer, la perspectiva de los derechos de Salt y Regan, y la teoría de las capacidades de Martha Nussbaum. No obstante, en el curso de la reconstrucción mencionada el texto evidenciará algunos problemas de estos planteamientos y su alcance a la hora de impulsar la transformación de las prácticas cotidianas de los humanos con los animales ya que carecen de fuerza política para validar y extender nuevas formas de relacionarnos con los animales. El texto sostendrá que una alianza de los mejores elementos de estas tres teorías puede conformar una base sólida para la creación y fundamentación de movimientos sociales y políticos que impulsen la renovación de la relación de los hombres con los animales.

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El Catalanismo es un fenómeno sociopolítico que ha sido analizado por académicos de todos los niveles, documentado de manera mediática y debatido en múltiples espacios multidimensionales; pero las relaciones entre el nacionalismo catalán con espacios alternativos como el Fútbol, su posterior transformación del escenario deportivo, aterrizándolo en un escenario con dimensiones y unidades típicas de una arena sociopolítica convencional, es un tema que carece de profusión académica. Es en esta penumbra cognoscitiva, donde este trabajo recurre a las definiciones multidisciplinares alrededor de espacios de Baja Cultura como el Fútbol, conjugándolas con las teorías de creación de movimientos sociopolíticos excluidos como el separatismo catalán, existentes en las perspectivas teóricas de Ernesto Laclau, Jacob Torfing y Armando Durán. Dicho ejercicio permitirá el entendimiento de cómo la lucha identitaria, la acción política no violenta y la reivindicación nacionalista en Cataluña colonizó un escenario incluyente, hasta los días que se viven hoy.