The natural death of the Supreme Judicial Commission of Bangladesh and the consequent patronage appointments to the Bench: advocating the establishment of an Independent Judicial Commission

In order to strengthen the constitutional process of appointment of judges in Superior Courts, Bangladesh established a Supreme Judicial Commission in 2008 by promulgating an Ordinance. This Ordinance was neither promulgated in pursuance of any provisions of the Constitution nor by introducing any amendment to the provisions of the Constitution. The recommendations of the Commission were not given binding force on the executive. The power of the executive to accept or reject the candidates recommended by the Supreme Judicial Commission at his pleasure defeated the very objective of establishing the Commission for appointing the most competent and suitable persons as judges of the superior courts in Bangladesh. However, following the general elections held on 29 December 2008, the newly elected Government of Bangladesh Awami League dispensed with the Supreme Judicial Commission by not placing the Supreme Judicial Commission Ordinance before the parliament for its approval. This resulted in restoring the previous system of appointing judges on the satisfaction of the executive, which has resulted in patronage appointments. Thus, the establishment of an independent judicial commission in Bangladesh is an imperative necessity for strengthening the independence and impartiality of the judiciary.

A letter to the Right Hon. Sir Wm. Scott, M.P. : for the University of Oxford, in answer to Mr. Brougham's letter to Sir Samuel Romilly, upon the abuse of charities, and ministerial patronage in the appointments under the late act.

Mode of access: Internet.

The establishment of the Judicial Appointments Commission in Malaysia to improve the constitutional method of appointing the judges of the superior courts : a critical study

The Judicial Appointments Commission was established in Malaysia in 2009 to ensure unbiased selection of judicial candidates for the consideration of the Prime Minister, who has the final say regarding the appointment of judges to the superior courts. But the provisions concerning Prime Minister’s power to appoint the majority of the members of the Commission and his unfettered power of removing four of the five appointed members without assigning any reason, have calculatedly been devised for ensuring the selection of judicial candidates having right political patronage in accordance with the covert wishes of the Prime Minister. Furthermore, the Prime Minister’s power of rejecting the Commission’s recommendations of multiple candidates renders the undertaking of a lengthy process of selection unproductive and useless. Thus the Judicial Appointments Commission has become a superfluous body with an ineffective modus operandi to attain the stipulated objectives of improving and complementing the constitutional method of appointing judges to the superior courts. Since the Federal Constitution of Malaysia has not empowered the Parliament to enact a law providing for the establishment of a Judicial Appointments Commission, it also appears that the Judicial Appointments Commission Act 2009 is an invalid piece of legislation.

The application of the Park & Ride and TOD concepts to develop a new framework that can maximise public transport patronage

With growing concern over the use of the car in our urbanized society, there have emerged a number of lobby groups and professional bodies promoting a return to public transport, walking and cycling, with the urban village as the key driving land use, as a means of making our cities’ transportation systems more sustainable. This research has aimed at developing a framework applicable to the Australian setting that can facilitate increased passenger patronage of rail based urban transport systems from adjacent or associated land uses. The framework specifically tested the application of the Park & Ride and Transit Oriented Development (TOD) concepts and their applicability within the cultural, institutional, political and transit operational characteristics of Australian society. The researcher found that, although the application of the TOD concept had been limited to small pockets of town houses and mixed use developments around stations, the development industry and emerging groups within the community are posed to embrace the concept and bring with it increased rail patronage. The lack of a clear commitment to infrastructure and supporting land uses is a major barrier to the implementation of TODs. The research findings demonstrated significant scope for the size of a TOD to expand to a much greater radius of activity from the public transport interchange, than the commonly quoted 400 to 600 meters, thus incorporating many more residents and potential patrons. The provision of Park & Rides, and associated support facilities like Kiss & Rides, have followed worldwide trends of high patronage demands from the middle and outer car dependent suburbs of our cities. The data collection and analysis gathered by the researcher demonstrated that in many cases Park & Rides should form part of a TOD to ensure ease of access to rail stations by all modes and patron types. The question, however, remains how best to plan the incorporation of a Park & Ride within a TOD and still maintain those features that attract and promote TODs as a living entity.

Police officer in-vehicle discomfort : appointments carriage method and vehicle seat features

Musculoskeletal pain is commonly reported by police officers. A potential cause of officer discomfort is a mismatch between vehicle seats and the method used for carrying appointments. Twenty-five police officers rated their discomfort while seated in: (1) a standard police vehicle seat, and (2) a vehicle seat custom-designed for police use. Discomfort was recorded in both seats while wearing police appointments on: (1) a traditional appointments belt, and (2) a load-bearing vest / belt combination (LBV). Sitting in the standard vehicle seat and carrying appointments on a traditional appointments belt were both associated with significantly elevated discomfort. Four vehicle seat features were most implicated as contributing to discomfort: back rest bolster prominence; lumbar region support; seat cushion width; and seat cushion bolster depth. Authorising the carriage of appointments using a LBV is a lower cost solution with potential to reduce officer discomfort. Furthermore, the introduction of custom-designed vehicle seats should be considered.

Understanding urban rail travel for improved patronage forecasting

Improved forecasting of urban rail patronage is essential for effective policy development and efficient planning for new rail infrastructure. Past modelling and forecasting of urban rail patronage has been based on legacy modelling approaches and often conducted at the general level of public transport demand, rather than being specific to urban rail. This project canvassed current Australian practice and international best practice to develop and estimate time series and cross-sectional models of rail patronage for Australian mainland state capital cities. This involved the implementation of a large online survey of rail riders and non-riders for each of the state capital cities, thereby resulting in a comprehensive database of respondent socio-economic profiles, travel experience, attitudes to rail and other modes of travel, together with stated preference responses to a wide range of urban travel scenarios. Estimation of the models provided a demonstration of their ability to provide information on the major influences on the urban rail travel decision. Rail fares, congestion and rail service supply all have a strong influence on rail patronage, while a number of less significant factors such as fuel price and access to a motor vehicle are also influential. Of note, too, is the relative homogeneity of rail user profiles across the state capitals. Rail users tended to have higher incomes and education levels. They are also younger and more likely to be in full-time employment than non-rail users. The project analysis reported here represents only a small proportion of what could be accomplished utilising the survey database. More comprehensive investigation was beyond the scope of the project and has been left for future work.

Reading Lydgate's Troy Book: patronage, politics, and history in Lancastrian England

This thesis, Reading Lydgate's Troy Book: Patronage, Politics and History in Lancastrian England, discusses the relationship between John Lydgate as a court poet to his patron Henry V. I contend that the Troy Book is explored as a vehicle to propagate the idea that the House of Lancaster is the legitimate successor to King Richard II in order to smooth over the usurpation of 1399. Paul Strohm's England's Empty Throne was a key influence to the approach of this thesis' topic. I examine that although Chaucer had a definitive impact on Lydgate's writing, Lydgate is able to manipulate this influence for his own ambitions. In order to enhance his own fame, Lydgate works to promote Chaucer's canon so that as Chaucer's successor, he will inherit more prestige. The Trojan war is seen in context with the Hundred Years War, and can be applied contextually to political events. Lydgate presents characters that are vulnerable to human failings, and their assorted, complicated relationships. Lydgate modernises the Troy Book to reflect and enhance his Lancastrian society, and the thesis gives a contextual view of Lydgate's writing of the Troy Book. Lydgate writes for a more varied target audience than his thirteenth-century source, Guido delle Colonne, and there is a deliberation on the female characters of the Troy Book which promulgates the theory that Lydgate takes a proactive and empathetic interest in women's roles in society. Furthermore Lydgate has never really been accepted as a humanist, and I look at Lydgate's work from a different angle; he is a self-germinating humanist. Lydgate revives antiquity to educate his fifteenth-century audience, and his ambition is to create a memorial for his patron in the vernacular, and enhance his own fame as a poet separate from Chaucer's shadow.

Reminders, Refugees, and Ramadan: Characterizing Missed Immunization Appointments among Palestinian Refugees in Jordan

There are currently over two million Palestinian refugees residing in Jordan, 370,000 of whom reside in refugee camps. Due to conflict-affiliated disease outbreaks among children in the region, the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) has identified incomplete vaccination as a critical public health issue and has invested in the development and implementation of a text message reminder service for preventing loss-to-follow-up. Childhood immunization rates in UNRWA catchment regions are generally high, yet little is known about risk factors for missed appointments, which impose a substantial administrative burden due to the need to contact patients for rescheduling. Stronger user characterization is necessary for improved targeting and minimized cost as we develop a more robust SMS system capable of scaling across all health facilities.

This mixed-methods study prospectively recorded 6 months of immunization history among a cohort of children born in June 2014 at Taybeh Health Center in Amman. Demographic information was collected at the time of birth, and caregivers of cohort members were invited to participate in interviews that assessed immunization knowledge, preferences, decision-making, and experience with the SMS reminder system. Patients were more likely to significantly delay appointments during the Ramadan holiday and for doses further from the child date of birth. Future policies that might bridge these gaps include targeting pre-appointment SMS reminders to high-risk patients, implementing holiday shifts in clinic hours, and regularly updating patient contact information.

Propensity to Apply for Judicial Office under the new Northern Ireland Judicial Appointments System::A qualitative study for the Northern Ireland Judicial Appointments Commission October

The study of representation and participation in the judiciary is hardly novel. There have been substantial studies in a number of countries – often these have preceded the setting up of judicial appointment commissions – which have looked at the continuing problem of female representation in judicial posts. Prior to the setting up of the Northern Ireland Judicial Appointments Commission a study carried out by Dermot Feenan for the Commissioner for Judicial Appointments for Northern Ireland also looked into this topic and produced a large number of recommendations. What differs from the Feenan project, in this project, has been the number of individuals consulted in interviews and focus groups. This has allowed us to provide a detailed qualitative attitudinal perspective to enhance the questionnaire study undertaken as Stage 1 in this research project. Further, we have carried out this study after many of the recommendations made in previous research have been implemented.
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Our interviews and focus groups covered a broad range of individuals – solicitors outwith and within Belfast (private and public service), barristers in private practice and public service and also barristers no longer in practice. We also sought responses from student lawyers. In total there were 71 respondents, with a typical interview/focus group length of 60 minutes. The group included candidates who had little interest in applying for judicial office, those who might consider this in future, and candidates who had applied for one or more judicial posts and who may or may not consider reapplication. We did not seek the views of successful candidates for judicial posts under the new NIJAC process.
The timing of this project, with interviews and focus groups held between December 2007 and March 2008, offers an early perspective on the whether the creation of a NI Judicial Appointments Commission has affected, and if so, in what way, the decision to apply for a judicial post. Generally, we found that there was a significant impact upon attitudes to judicial application which had arisen from the creation of NIJAC and that this was more positive than negative.

Rewarding Merit in Judicial Appointments?: A research project undertaken by the School of Law, Queen’s University Belfast for the Northern Ireland Judicial Appointments Commission

This research involved carrying out an online survey using a number of vignettes/scenarios to explore understandings and attitudes to judicial appointments. This sort of survey is relatively novel in this context and provided a useful way of understanding how a range of factors such as merit and seniority, career paths and connections, as well as gender and visibility, are perceived as operating within the appointments system. The research also involved a series of focus group interviews with a number of individuals with various professional backgrounds and at different levels of seniority. These, and a limited number of individual interviews, afforded an opportunity to explore more closely some of the themes arising from the scenarios as well as a chance to look in some depth at some of the views and concerns of a range of members of the legal professions.

Building upon the previous research project, this work was less concerned with revisiting earlier themes and more interested in exploring how the idea of “merit” as a governing factor in judicial appointment is seen as working in practice, and whether it is perceived as being most likely to be found within particular career profiles. We also investigated issues such as the possible development of formal and informal pathways to a judicial career and practical problems such as how an applicant might become known to the senior judiciary, and the importance of this. Overall our interest was primarily in developing an understanding of how gender is perceived to operate in the appointments process and how any barriers to recruiting women, particularly to the senior judiciary, could be further broken down.

Finding Merit in Judicial Appointments: NIJAC and the Search for a New Judiciary in Northern Ireland

The post-Agreement constitutional architecture has produced a new legal space in Northern Ireland. While the court structure has largely endured in a recognisable format there are perhaps now new expectations of how it will function in the next stage of Northern Ireland’s transition from a society in conflict. These expectations come into focus around the nature and role of the judiciary that is to oversee this new legal space. At the same time there are other, wider forces pressing upon the judiciary across the United Kingdom and these are being acted out in the various appointment commissions and regimes that have been created to modernise the judiciary. This all contributes to establishing a dynamic context for considering whether and/or how the judiciary in Northern Ireland is changing, and the forces that may be conditioning any change. This chapter looks at some of the expectations that might arise for the judiciary. It focuses both on some ideas about what might be the role of a judge in a transitional context, and the debate about how judges generally should be appointed across the United Kingdom where the idea of “merit” emerges as governing concept. Next consideration is given to how this idea of merit plays out in the Northern Ireland context and, in particular, how it impacts on the appointment of women to senior judicial roles which has emerged as the central concern in the new dispensation. Here the chapter draws on two pieces of research: the first looking at the issues surrounding judicial appointments and attitudes towards seeking such posts in the Northern Ireland context, and a second project where the idea of “merit” as a governing factor in judicial appointment was further explored in focus groups and interviews. Finally the chapter looks ahead at the challenges around judicial appointment that remain and suggests that notion of ‘merit’ has not provided the robust foundation which its proponents imagined it would.

Novos dilemas, velhas soluções? - patronagem e governos partidários

A patronagem tem sido considerada uma importante dimensão do modelo de governos partidários. Contudo, a concepção convencional da utilização da patronagem remete para a distribuição de cargos na administração pública a ocorrer para efeitos de recompensa por serviços prestados ao partido no governo, ou como mecanismo de compensação relativamente à incapacidade do partido no governo de converter as preferências em políticas públicas. Esta perspectiva não é inteiramente satisfatória. A crescente complexificação e fragmentação dos processos de governação, juntamente com o poder das estruturas administrativas no processo de políticas públicas parece impelir os governos partidários a procurarem novas formas de controlar a máquina administrativa do Estado. Através do controlo político da administração, os partidos no governo procuram obter uma máquina administrativa responsiva e accountable, o que pode ter consequências para a prossecução dos objectivos de controlo de políticas públicas dos partidos no governo. Deste modo, a patronagem – definida como a distribuição de cargos na cúpula dirigente da administração pública e semi-pública – pode converter-se num recurso chave para os partidos ao nível do controlo do processo de políticas públicas, permitindo-lhes assegurar um papel na governação democrática moderna. Este estudo permite confirmar, em primeiro lugar, a incapacidade de, durante o período democrático, institucionalizar mecanismos legais que possam promover a profissionalização da administração pública. Tal decorre da acentuada tendência para a revisão do enquadramento legal, que acompanha a alternância partidária no governo, sem contudo, permitir configurar um quadro legal capaz de restringir a discricionariedade política formal sobre a máquina administrativa do Estado. Em segundo lugar Portugal surge, no contexto dos 19 países europeus analisados, entre os países com maior amplitude na discricionariedade política formal. Tal como os seus congéneres do Sul da Europa, Portugal tem sido considerado como um país onde a patronagem pode penetrar os níveis hierárquicos mais baixos, motivada por questões de recompensa partidária. Esta narrativa negligencia, contudo, as consideráveis diferenças que existem entre níveis hierárquico, ignorando as diferentes motivações para a patronagem. Além disso, a perspectiva de políticos, dirigentes e outros observadores, sugere que a utilização efectiva dos mecanismos de controlo ex ante é limitada em Portugal, quando comparado com outras democracias europeias, apontando para o limitado poder explicativo da legislação em relação ao recurso à patronagem. Esta investigação pretende, assim, reanalisar a narrativa relativa à influência partidária e ao papel da patronagem para os governos partidários em Portugal. Desta forma, o estudo da importância da patronagem para os governos partidários foi baseado na análise dos padrões de patronagem em Portugal, através da análise empírica de 10482 nomeações para a cúpula da estrutura dirigente. Esta análise quantitativa foi complementada por entrevistas a 51 dirigentes, ministros e observadores privilegiados, que especificam a operacionalização da patronagem e as estratégias utilizadas pelos partidos políticos. A análise destas duas fontes permitiu confirmar, em primeiro lugar, a existência de influências partidárias nas nomeações para a cúpula dirigente. Em segundo lugar, este estudo permite confirmar a coexistência das duas motivações da patronagem. Com efeito, a lógica das nomeações enquanto recompensa pode subsistir, ao mesmo tempo que tende a emergir um valor instrumental das nomeações, com estas a serem utilizadas (também) para reforçar o controlo político e reduzir os riscos associados ao processo de delegação. Contudo, as diferentes motivações da patronagem podem variar consoante o nível hierárquico e a fase do ciclo governativo. Enquanto instrumento de poder, a patronagem pode ser identificada nos níveis hierárquicos mais elevados. Pelo contrário, as motivações de recompensa emergem nas posições hierárquicas mais baixas, menos sujeitas ao controlo dos partidos da oposição e dos eleitores. A patronagem de poder tende, ainda, a ser mais saliente nas etapas iniciais dos mandatos governativos, com as motivações de recompensa a poderem ser identificadas no final dos mandatos. Em terceiro lugar, os resultados sugerem que a utilização da patronagem depende da competição partidária, com a acção fiscalizadora dos partidos da oposição a poder limitar as nomeações para cargos na cúpula da estrutura administrativa sem, contudo, poder impedir as nomeações para os níveis hierárquicos menos visíveis (estruturas intermédias, serviços periféricos e gabinetes ministeriais). Em quarto lugar, a politização estrutural emerge como uma estratégia que permite aos governos partidários contornarem a indiferença da administração pública face a novas prioridades políticas, ao mesmo tempo que parece emergir como um instrumento que permite legitimar as opções políticas dos governos partidários ou adiar decisões nas áreas sectoriais menos importantes para os governos partidários. De uma forma geral, os governos partidários parecem recorrer a velhos instrumentos como a patronagem, com uma solução para os novos dilemas que se colocam ao controlo partidário do processo de políticas públicas.