689 resultados para offender anonymity


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Judicial decisions about whether or not to publicly name child homicide offenders have long ani- mated debate in the United Kingdom and internationally. This article draws on case law and in- depth interviews conducted with members of the English criminal justice system to critically analyse the viability of current domestic legislation in the context of the UK’s international human rights obligations. The article identifies ambiguities surrounding the definition of ‘public interest’ in law; the merits of equating the naming of child offenders with open justice, accountability and transpar- ency; and the increasing sabotage of the principle of rehabilitation. By identifying the complexities of this contentious area of judicial discretion, this article highlights the need for a rights-based approach to decisions about publicly naming children in conflict with the law.

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It could be argued that all crimes have a general moral basis, condemned as ‘wrong’ or ‘bad’ in the society in which they are proscribed, however, there are a specific group of offences in modern democratic nations which bear the brunt of the label, crimes against morality. Included within this group are offences related to prostitution and pornography, homosexuality and incest, as well as child sexual abuse. While the places where sex and morality meet have shifted over time, these two concepts continue to form the basis of much criminal legislation and associated criminal justice responses. Offenders of sexual mores are positioned as the reviled corruptors of innocent children, the purveyors of disease, an indictment on the breakdown of the family and/or the secularisation of society, and a corruptive force (Davidson 2008, Kincaid 1998). Other types of offending may divide public and political opinion, but the consensus on sex crimes appears constant.

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Key establishment is a crucial cryptographic primitive for building secure communication channels between two parties in a network. It has been studied extensively in theory and widely deployed in practice. In the research literature a typical protocol in the public-key setting aims for key secrecy and mutual authentication. However, there are many important practical scenarios where mutual authentication is undesirable, such as in anonymity networks like Tor, or is difficult to achieve due to insufficient public-key infrastructure at the user level, as is the case on the Internet today. In this work we are concerned with the scenario where two parties establish a private shared session key, but only one party authenticates to the other; in fact, the unauthenticated party may wish to have strong anonymity guarantees. We present a desirable set of security, authentication, and anonymity goals for this setting and develop a model which captures these properties. Our approach allows for clients to choose among different levels of authentication. We also describe an attack on a previous protocol of Øverlier and Syverson, and present a new, efficient key exchange protocol that provides one-way authentication and anonymity.

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It was rugby league State of Origin night 2008 and a group of adults had descended upon a house in Eagleby, Brisbane to have some drinks and to celebrate the game. At 11pm that evening, Shane Thomas Davidson entered the bedroom of the homeowner’s 10-year-old son, TC. Davidson approached the bed and began to massage the boy’s penis under his clothing, which caused TC to wake. Davidson stated, ‘Show me how big your willy is and I’ll show you how big mine is’. TC refused the request and after a small period of time, left the bedroom and told his father what had happened...

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In Australia and internationally, there is scant information about Indigenous repeat drink drivers. The aim was to identify the risk factors associated with repeat offending. De-identified data on drink driving convictions by offenders identifying as Indigenous in Queensland between 2006 and 2010 were examined. A range of univariate analyses were used to compare first time and repeat offenders on gender, age, court location and region (based on the accessibility/remoteness index of Australia), blood alcohol concentration and sentencing severity. Multivariate logistic regression adjusted for confounding variables. Convictions for repeat offenders were more likely from locations other than ‘major cities’ with the association strongest for courts in the ‘very remote’ region (OR=2.75, 2.06-3.76, p<.001). Indigenous offenders 40 years or older were found to be at reduced risk in comparison to offenders aged 15-24 years (OR=0.68, 0.54-0.86, p=0.01). After controlling for confounding factors, gender, sentencing severity and blood alcohol concentration levels were not significantly associated with recidivism. The association of recidivism and remoteness is consistent with higher rates of alcohol-related transport accidents involving Indigenous Australians in isolated areas. This study provides a platform for future research and allows for early attempts to address the need for intervention to reduce Indigenous drink driving recidivism.

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Background Road crashes contribute to high injury rates in Indigenous population in Aust, NZ, Canada and USA Alcohol one of the leading risk factors for road crashes: 31.5% Indigenous drivers in remote areas over 0.05mg/100ml, compared to 7.4 percent of non-Indigenous counterparts 17.5% Indigenous drivers in regional areas over 0.05mg/100ml compared to 3.8 percent of non-Indigenous counterparts Indigenous peoples are overrepresented in alcohol-related fatality rates, with this group 40% more likely to be killed

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Important changes in the legal regulation of the fine culminated in the implementation of the day‐fine system in many European countries during the twentieth century. These changes resulted from various late nineteenth century rationalities that considered the fine a justifiable punishment. Therefore, they supported extending its application by making it affordable for people on low incomes, which meant imprisonment for fine default could mostly be avoided without undermining the end of punishment. In this paper I investigate the historical development of the penal fine as well as the changing forms of this penalty in Western European criminal systems from the end of the eighteenth century until the late nineteenth century.

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Criminology has long sought to define and understand criminal motivations. There has, however, been less attention paid to the motivations involved in “everyday” thought and behaviour that may place someone in harm’s way. This doesn’t mean that victims are somehow motivated to become victims, but they may behave in such a way that victimisation happens as a matter of course. In the parlance of victimity, victim behaviour has often been referred to as either “victim facilitated” or “victim precipitated”. However, while some use these terms to explain the role of victim behaviour in relation to harm or loss, they actually do little to further our knowledge about the cognitive and behavioural milieu in which victimisation occurs. For example, a victim of homicide may precipitate the attack by violently confronting a partner (in retaliation for real or imagined wrongs). Another victim may facilitate domestic violence by not leaving their partner for financial reasons (“cannot afford to go out on my own”). Far from blaming the victim, understanding the motivational nature of victim behaviour can be accomplished by juxtaposing motivations for offender behaviour. This presentation applies offender motivations to victim behaviours, and presents anecdotal and research support for this approach.

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This program is a research based, guided intervention program, designed for first time drink driving offenders which provides them with information and strategies to avoid drink driving in the future. It is an innovative program with the ability to tailor specific information to different individuals based on their level of risk of reoffending and help them develop their own plan to prevent them from drink driving. It aims to teach offenders the skills to implement their own plan when they determine they are at risk of future drink driving. The program provides information about: What a standard drink is and how blood alcohol content (BAC) is determined; How alcohol affects the body, reaction time, and decision making; The consequences of drink driving and what happens after a second offence; How to deal with risky drink driving situations in the future; How to build a personalised plan to avoid drink driving in the future, and; Levels of alcohol consumption and its impact on daily life. It also includes access to a mobile friendly web app that can be used anytime after completing the program. This is tool that will aid offenders in tracking their drinks and build on plans to prevent future drink driving.

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Drink driving remains a substantial public health issue warranting investigation. First offender drink drivers are seen to be less risky than repeat offenders, though the majority of first offenders report drink driving prior to detection, and many continue to drink drive following conviction. Few first offenders are offered treatment programs, and as such there is a need to address drink driving behaviour at this stage. A comprehensive approach including first offender treatment is needed to address the problem. Online interventions have demonstrated effectiveness in reducing risky behaviours such as harmful substance use. Such interventions allow for personalised tailored content to be delivered to individuals targeting specific mechanisms of behavioural change. This method also allows for targeting screening to ensure relevance of content on an individual level. However, there have been no research based online programs to date aimed at reducing repeat drink driving by first offenders. The Steering Clear First Offender Drink Driving Program is a self-guided, research based online program aimed at reducing recidivism by first time drink driving offenders. It includes a specialised web app to track drinks and build plans to prevent future drink driving. This allows for elongation of learning and encouragement of sustained behavioural change using self-monitoring after initial program completion. An outline of the program is discussed and the qualitative experience of the program on a sample of first offenders recruited at the time of court appearance is described.

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Although the majority of people with mental illness are not violent, scientific studies over the last decades show that certain psychiatric disorders increase the risk of violent behavior, including homicide. This thesis examined crime scene behaviors and offender background characteristics among mentally ill Finnish homicide offenders. Previously, homicide crime scene behaviors have been investigated in relation to offender demographic characteristics, whereas this study compares the behaviors of offenders with various mental illnesses. The study design was a retrospective chart review of the forensic psychiatric statements of Finnish homicide offenders. The work consists of four substudies. The aims of the study were as follows: To describe differences in the childhood and family backgrounds as well as in the adolescent and adult adjustment of Finnish homicide offenders belonging to different diagnostic categories (schizophrenia, personality disorder, alcoholism, drug addiction or no diagnosis). Further, the study examined associations between the crime scene behaviors and mental status of these offenders. Also, the distinguishing characteristics between two groups of offenders with schizophrenia were examined: early starters, who present antisocial behavior before the onset of schizophrenia, and late starters, who first offend after the onset of mental disorder. Finally, it was investigated how the use of excessive violence is associated with clinical and circumstantial variables as well as offender background characteristics among homicide offenders with schizophrenia. The main findings of the study can be summarized as follows. First, offenders with personality disorder or drug addiction had experienced multiple difficulties in their early environments: both family and individual problems were typical. Offenders with schizophrenia were relatively well-adjusted in childhood compared to the other groups. However, in adolescence and adulthood, social isolation, withdrawal and other difficulties attributable to these offenders illness became evident. In several aspects, offenders with alcohol dependency resembled offenders with no diagnosis in that these offenders had less problematic backgrounds compared to other groups. Second, the results showed that crime scene behaviors, victim gender and the victim-offender relationship differ between the groups. In particular, offenders with a diagnosis of schizophrenia or drug addiction have some unique features in their crime scene behaviors and choice of victims. Offenders with schizophrenia were more likely to kill a blood relative, to use a sharp weapon and to injure the victim s face. Drug addiction was associated with stealing from the victim and trying to cover up the body. Third, the results suggest that the offense characteristics of early- and late-start offenders with schizophrenia differ only modestly. However, several significant differences between the groups were found in characteristics of offenders: early starters had experienced a multitude of problems in their childhood surroundings and also later in life. Fourth, violent acts where the offender did not commit the offense alone or had previous homicidal history were predictive of excessive violence among offenders with schizophrenia. Positive psychotic symptoms did not predict the use of excessive violence. Nearly one third of the cases in the sample involved multiple and severe violence, including features such as sadism, mutilation, sexual components or extreme stabbing. In sum, mentally disordered homicide offenders are heterogeneous in their offense characteristics as well as their background characteristics. Empirically based information on how the offender s mental state is associated with specific crime scene behaviors can be utilized within the police force in developing methods of prioritizing suspects in unsolved homicide cases. Also, these results emphasise the importance of early interventions for problem families and children at risk of antisocial behavior. They may also contribute to the development of effective treatment for violent offenders.

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Language and gender research has, in recent years, emphasised the importance of examining the context-specific ways in which people ‘do gender’ in different situations. In this paper, we explore how women involved in drug offences, specifically methamphetamine manufacture offences, are constructed within the language of the courts. Thirty-six sentencing transcripts from the New Zealand courts were examined to investigate how such offences, committed by women, are understood. In order to explore the representation of female offenders, a critical discourse analytic approach was adopted. Such an approach recognises that linguistic modes not only create and legitimise power inequalities but also embody a specific worldview. Three gendered discourses were identified in the sentencing texts: (i) the discourse of femininity, reinforcing the socially prescribed female role; (ii) the discourse of aberration, concerning women who breach traditional gender role expectations, and; (iii) the discourse of salvation, presenting aberrant women with an opportunity to become ‘good’ women once again. The findings illustrate the ways in which processes of gendering take place within a specific community of practice: the courtroom.

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The conventional wisdom is that offenders have very high discount rates not only with respect to income and fines but also with respect to time incarcerated. These rates are difficult to measure objectively and the usual approach is to ask subjects hypothetical questions and infer time preference from their answers. In this article, we propose estimating rates at which offenders discount time incarcerated by specifying their equilibrium plea, defined as the discount rate, which equates the time and expected time spent in jail following a guilty plea and a trial. Offenders are assumed to exhibit positive time preference and discount time spent in jail at a constant rate. Our choice of sample is interesting because the offenders are not on bail, punishment is not delayed and the offences are planned therefore conforming to Becker’s model of the decision to commit a crime. Contrary to the discussion in the literature, we do not find evidence of consistently high time discount rates, and therefore cannot unequivocally infer that the prison experience always results in low levels of specific deterrence.