919 resultados para legislative bodies


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Analisa os aspectos da estrutura política brasileira que contribuem para falhas nos processos decisórios e ineficácia nos resultados finais de políticas de governo, com ênfase nos problemas institucionais do poder legislativo. Aborda os seguintes tópicos: fragmentação do sistema partidário, infidelidade partidária, modelo de federalismo, preenchimento de cargos públicos, larga utilização de medidas provisórias, disfunções do processo legislativo.

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Historically, the authority to conclude international treaties was exclusively exercised by administrative bodies (or the chief of state). However, recent studies pointed out that the present legislative bodies have come to play a more active role through ratification or the review of treaties in European and American countries. Harrington (2005) studied judicial reform in British dominions and criticized the past executive-dominant treaty-making process as a “democratic deficit” due to a fear that under this system the nation might be bound by international agreements for which a consensus had not been obtained. These studies indicated that people’s participation in the treaty-making process has increased on a global basis, but neither of them provides sufficient descriptive evidence regarding why and how such procedures were established. The present paper therefore attempts to solve these questions by analyzing the legislative and political process of the treaty-making procedure reform in Thailand’s 2007 constitution as a case study.

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Micofilm reprint of the original edition.

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Supplement prepared by the Michigan Senate Fellows of 1964-65 and dated November 1964 (20 p.) inserted.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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O objetivo deste trabalho é identificar como as ferramentas propostas pela Legimática podem contribuir para diminuir as deficiências dos textos legislativos apontadas pela Legística. A preocupação com o processo de criação e com a qualidade do texto legislativo por ele produzido é o foco principal da Legística Formal. Esta atividade encontra amparo nas ferramentas propostas pela Legimática que auxiliam a elaboração de normas legais por meio de processadores eletrônicos de textos concebidos especificamente para este propósito, ou seja, redação de leis. Tais ferramentas garantem o emprego de regras formalmente estabelecidas para um texto legal, e de forma mais abrangente, facilitam a clareza, o rigor e a uniformidade da linguagem legislativa do documento produzido. A realização de pesquisas qualitativa e bibliográfica permitiu propor a criação de um software que auxilie no processo de elaboração normativa dos órgãos legislativos federais brasileiros baseando-se em considerações de especialistas, análise de ferramentas semelhantes e referências na literatura.

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In 2003, an electoral reform changed the mechanism to assign seats in the Colombian Congress. I simulate the 2006 Senate elections using the previous assignment mechanism to determine which senators benefited from the reform, i.e. would have not been elected had the reform not been made. With the results of the simulation, I use a regression discontinuity design to compare the senators that would have been barely elected anyways with those who would have lost, but were near to be elected. I check the differences in the amount of law drafts presented, the attendance to voting sessions, and a discipline index for each senator as proxy of their legislative behavior. I find that the senators benefiting from the reform present a different legislative behavior during the 4-year term with respect to the senators that would have been elected anyways. Since the differential legislative behavior cannot be interpreted as being better (worse) politician, I examine if the behavioral difference gives them an electoral advantage. I find no difference in the electoral result of 2010 Senate election in terms of the probability of being (re)elected in 2010, the share of votes, the share of votes within their party list, and the concentration of their votes. Additionally, I check the probability of being investigated for links with paramilitary groups and I find no differences. The results suggest that political reforms can change the composition of governing or legislative bodies in terms of performance, but it does not necessarily translate into an electoral advantage.

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Patients want and need comprehensive and accurate information about their medicines so that they can participate in decisions about their healthcare: In particular, they require information about the likely risks and benefits that are associated with the different treatment options. However, to provide this information in a form that people can readily understand and use is a considerable challenge to healthcare professionals. One recent attempt to standardise the Language of risk has been to produce sets of verbal descriptors that correspond to specific probability ranges, such as those outlined in the European Commission (EC) Pharmaceutical Committee guidelines in 1998 for describing the incidence of adverse effects. This paper provides an overview of a number of studies involving members of the general public, patients, and hospital doctors, that evaluated the utility of the EC guideline descriptors (very common, common, uncommon, rare, very rare). In all studies it was found that people significantly over-estimated the likelihood of adverse effects occurring, given specific verbal descriptors. This in turn resulted in significantly higher ratings of their perceived risks to health and significantly lower ratings of their likelihood of taking the medicine. Such problems of interpretation are not restricted to the EC guideline descriptors. Similar levels of misinterpretation have also been demonstrated with two other recently advocated risk scales (Caiman's verbal descriptor scale and Barclay, Costigan and Davies' lottery scale). In conclusion, the challenge for risk communicators and for future research will be to produce a language of risk that is sufficiently flexible to take into account different perspectives, as well as changing circumstances and contexts of illness and its treatments. In the meantime, we urge the EC and other legislative bodies to stop recommending the use of specific verbal labels or phrases until there is a stronger evidence base to support their use.

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o trabalho tem como base uma revisão de literatura sobre o tema Governo Eletrônico, estando seu foco voltado para a sua utilização nas 27 assembléias legislativas estaduais do Brasil, no que diz respeito a sua utilização como ferramenta de transparência pública. Mais especificamente, a presente dissertação buscou mensurar o nível de transparência nos portais eletrônicos dessas assembléias legislativas. Para tal desiderato, foi necessário realizar uma pesquisa bibliográfica sobre o tema, que serviu de suporte literário para o devido embasamento das formulações e conclusões que foram apresentadas no decorrer do estudo. A mensuração do grau de transparência dos portais eletrônicos dos legislativos estaduais foi realizada a partir da aplicação de um método de mensuração de transparência eletrônica, com as devidas adaptações, a qual é utilizada pela organização não governamental, Monitor Legislativo, para a monitoração dos portais eletrônicos do legislativo do México, tendo como base a lei de transparência pública e acesso a informações públicas governamentais, hoje em vigor naquele país. Assim, o modelo levou em consideração a disponibilização de informações sobre: função administrativa; controle interno; trabalho legislativo; trabalho das comissões; concessões, permissões e contratos; arquivo histórico e serviços bibliotecários; e controles externos. A mensuração foi feita item a item, já apresentando um quadro da transparência por item. Não obstante, no final do trabalho foi apresentado um ranking geral da transparência eletrônica, no qual foram dispostas todas as assembléias legislativas estaduais com suas respectivas notas e nível de transparência correspondente. Por fim, os resultados da pesquisa foram correlacionados a outras variáveis, com o intuito de verificar se havia algum grau de relação entre as variáveis analisadas e a transparência eletrônica.

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A elaboração do orçamento público é uma das mais importantes atribuições do Poder Legislativo nos países de regime democrático, não obstante a iniciativa das leis orçamentárias tenha se transferido para o Executivo. Atualmente, os papéis desempenhados pelos Poderes Executivo e Legislativo na elaboração do orçamento estão definidos nas constituições, onde se observa uma tendência ao equilíbrio entre os dois Poderes. A história do orçamento está intimamente associada ao poderio crescente dos parlamentos que passaram a reivindicar o direito de autorizar as receitas e dispor sobre as despesas públicas. O orçamento, introduzido primeiramente na Inglaterra, como um instrumento de controle político do Parlamento sobre a Coroa, e adotado pelos franceses e norte-americanos em suas lutas por liberdade, aos poucos, foi sendo utilizado pela maioria das nações. No Brasil, tomando-se por referência as constituições ao longo de sua história, a participação do Poder Legislativo na elaboração do orçamento caracterizou-se pela oscilação em termos do maior ou menor controle sobre as decisões orçamentárias. A Constituição Federal de 1 988 recuperou as prerrogativas do Congresso Nacional para dispor sobre matéria orçamentária que haviam sido retiradas na Constituição de 1 967. A Constituição trouxe importantes mudanças nesta área, entre elas a conclusão do processo de unificação orçamentária, a aprovação pelo Legislativo não só da lei orçamentária como dos novos instrumentos de planejamento (lei do plano plurianual e lei de diretrizes orçamentárias), a instituição de uma comissão mista permanente de Senadores e Deputados e a possibilidade de emendar os projetos de lei do Executivo. A lei de diretrizes orçamentárias, considerada uma das mais relevantes inovações introduzidas ao capítulo da Constituição que trata do orçamento público, foi concebida com o objetivo maior de permitir uma intervenção prévia do Poder Legislativo na elaboração do projeto de lei do orçamento, antecipando as decisões sobre as metas e prioridades a serem contempladas na elaboração orçamentária. Apesar dos novos instrumentos e do amplo poder de intervenção, no período de 1990 à 1995 a atuação do Legislativo no que diz respeito à definição de metas e prioridades ficou comprometida principalmente pela falta de vontade política para aprovar a Lei Complementar de Finanças Públicas e para implantar na comissão mista de orçamento uma estrutura e processos de funcionamento correspondentes ao novo papel que a Constituição reservou a esta comissão. A análise dos documentos e os depoimentos levantados mostraram que a atuação do Legislativo foi prejudicada também pela inexistência do planejamento governamental e pela deficiência dos projetos de lei do Executivo, que pouca atenção deram às metas e prioridades.

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While countries managed to rapidly rise and recover economically, Brazilian social indicators have advanced at short pace in the last decades. Although millions of Brazilians have recently left poverty, Brazil still has a long way to go regarding its socioeconomic development. Circa one fifth of the population is still considered functionally illiterate, basic education has one of the poorest performances in the world, the country has no top-level universities nor produces technology or patents at relevant levels. This paper, at first, analyses how the interaction between government and private agents influenced Brazil’s industrial and economic development, identifying the existence of bonds based on the exchange of private interests that at great extension kept public policies from reaching goals of national interest – the so called crony capitalism. Secondly, the paper verifies how development policies based on the promotion of innovative companies and segments of the industry may positively impact broad socioeconomic development. The paper delves specifically into the cooperation between universities and industry as a development tool. Enterprises and universities, guided by their endogenous interests, may be combined for the structuring of a national innovation system. While universities are fundamentally interested in promoting knowledge accumulation, enterprises are willing to invest financial capital in universities in exchange for the economic exploitation of products developed within the academic environment and direct access to its human capital. Lastly, the paper identifies the legal and cultural barriers and advances of this mechanism in Brazil. It verifies that, notwithstanding the institutional advance promoted by the Law of Innovation to the university-enterprise cooperation in Brazil, the law wasn’t entirely capable of eliminating the legal uncertainty of this relationship and capturing in an efficient way the interests of the agents involved. Recently, federal law n. 12.863/2013 officially offered universities the option of bypassing problems related to public law by regulating support foundations, which conceives greater certainty and simplicity to the cooperation. There are, however, remaining uncertainties regarding the norms to be edited by the executive power, as well as conflicts of interest linked to the property rights over patents resulting from this kind of cooperation. The paper verifies, moreover, the existence of ideological resistance to this tool within universities, in such a way that it is unlikely that those relationships develop in a systematic way throughout the country without further engagement from the government and its executive and legislative bodies.

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The following study aims to verify in which hypothesis res judicata, when it comes of an unconstitutional decision, shall not prevail over Constitution. It displayed the characteristics of formal and material constitutional systems. It debated the concepts of existence, validity and efficacy of juridical rules and acts. It dissertated about the idea of Constitution s superiority and about the birth of the judicial review of constitutionality. It focused some contemporary models of this judicial review and its historical evolution in Brazil, showing its effects towards the current Constitution. It sustained that the decision given by Supremo Tribunal Federal during abstract control of rules must bind even legislative bodies, preventing them to produce the same rules previously declared unconstitutional. It held up that all parts of the decision of Supremo Tribunal Federal oblige, even the juridical arguments employed, in both diffused and concentrated reviews. It showed that, despite these models of review live together in Brazil, our constitutional system preferred the concentrated one, considering one only court over the other constitutional organs. It discussed about res judicata with the purpose of clarifying its juridical nature, its objective and subjective limits and its regulation in collective demands. It explained that the material res judicata is an effect of a decision which cannot be reviewed, which makes the law s will free of discussion, binding the contendants and avoiding that other courts, judging future demands about the same object, may decide differently. It showed how the regulation of res judicata in collective demands, in respect oh their subjective limits, is useful to demonstrate that it is not the material law who must adapt itself to res judicata as traditionally thought, but res judicata, as a warranty of juridical certainty and security, who must be shaped from the debated rule. It presented to view the main doctrinal conceptions about res judicata s review in the hypothesis of unconstitutional judgement. It concluded that the decisions forged by unconstitutional rules or interpretations reputed not compatible to the Constitution by Supremo Tribunal Federal, in spite of it can make res judicata, may be reviewed beyond the term to file a recissory claim, since while the debated law is still valid, no matter if its decision was before or after the res judicata. At the end, it asserted that, when it is not legally authorized, the judicial review of res judicata is not admissible, after the term to file a recissory claim, under the argument that there was no direct violation to the constitutional principle or rule

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Countries have different official programs and implement different sampling methods for the detection of Salmonella on poultry carcasses. In Brazil, a 25-g sample of skin and muscle excision (SME) from the wings, neck, and pericloacal parts is used; in the European Union (EU), a 25-g sample of neck skin (NSE) is used; and, in the United States, the whole carcass is rinsed with 400 ml of diluent (WCR). In the present study, these methods were evaluated to compare Salmonella occurrence and counts of hygiene indicator microorganisms (Escherichia coli, Enterobacteriaceae, and total viable count of aerobic mesophilic bacteria) using different carcasses from the same flock and also using different analytical units taken from the same carcass. Eighty flocks, with four broiler carcasses from each, were included in this study; three broilers were sampled according to protocols from Brazil, the EU, and the United States, and the last one by all three methods. SME, NSE, and WCR provided equivalent results (P > 0.05) for Salmonella detection on broiler carcasses when using different carcasses from the same flock and when using the same carcass. The predominant serovar was Salmonella Enteritidis. For the enumeration of hygiene indicator microorganisms, WRC provided higher counts than SME or NSE (P < 0.05), when using both the same or different carcasses. Therefore, it is possible to directly compare Salmonella results in poultry carcasses when using the methods recommended by the legislative bodies of Brazil, the United States, and the EU. However, WCR provides the best results for hygiene indicator microorganisms. Copyright © International Association for Food Protection.

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Máster en Gestión Sostenible de Recursos Pesqueros