The Liminality of Cosmopolitanism from the Global South – Transnational Activists in Costa Rica between Colonial Legacies and Decolonial Attitudes

The Master’s thesis examines whether and how decolonial cosmopolitanism is empirically traceable in the attitudes and practices of Costa Rican activists working in transnational advocacy organizations. Decolonial cosmopolitanism is defined as a form of cosmopolitanism from below that aims to propose ways of imagining – and putting into practice – a truly globe-encompassing civic community not based on relations of domination but on horizontal dialogue. This concept has been developed by and shares its basic presumptions with the theory on coloniality that the modernity/coloniality/decoloniality research group is putting forward. It is analyzed whether and how the workings of coloniality as underlying ontological assumption of decolonial cosmopolitanism and broadly subsumable under the three logics of race, capitalism, and knowledge, are traceable in intermediate postcolonial transnational advocacy in Costa Rica. The method of analysis chosen to approach these questions is content analysis, which is used for the analysis of qualitative semi-structured in-depth interviews with Costa Rican activists working in advocacy organizations with transnational ties. Costa Rica was chosen as it – while unquestionably a Latin American postcolonial country and thus within the geo-political context in which the concept was developed – introduces a complex setting of socio-cultural and political factors that put the explanatory potential of the concept to the test. The research group applies the term ‘coloniality’ to describe how the social, political, economic, and epistemic relations developed during the colonization of the Americas order global relations and sustain Western domination still today through what is called the logic of coloniality. It also takes these processes as point of departure for imagining how counter-hegemonic contestations can be achieved through the linking of local struggles to a global community that is based on pluriversality. The issues that have been chosen as most relevant expressions of the logic of coloniality in the context of Costa Rican transnational advocacy and that are thus empirically scrutinized are national identity as ‘white’ exceptional nation with gender equality (racism), the neoliberalization of advocacy in the Global South (capitalism), and finally Eurocentrism, but also transnational civil society networks as first step in decolonizing civic activism (epistemic domination). The findings of this thesis show that the various ways in which activists adopt practices and outlooks stemming from the center in order to empower themselves and their constituencies, but also how their particular geo-political position affects their work, cannot be reduced to one single logic of coloniality. Nonetheless, the aspects of race, gender, capitalism and epistemic hegemony do undeniably affect activist cosmopolitan attitudes and transnational practices. While the premisses on which the concept of decolonial cosmopolitanism is based suffer from some analytical drawbacks, its importance is seen in its ability to take as point of departure the concrete spaces in which situated social relations develop. It thus allows for perceiving the increasing interconnectedness between different levels of social and political organizing as contributing to cosmopolitan visions combining local situatedness with global community as normative horizon that have not only influenced academic debate, but also political projects.

Furthering the discourse in postcolonial education

This editorial provides a rationale for launching the new journal 'Postcolonial Directions in Education'. It discusses the term 'postcolonialism', applying it to the study of processes of domination that have their origin in European colonialism, extending beyond the period of direct colonisation to take on new forms, notably those of neo-colonialism, dependency and the intensification of globalisation. Postcolonial theory probes identity, knowledge, and social, cultural and economic structures in historical context, and challenges structures rooted in colonialism and imperialism.The editors invite the submission of manuscripts applying such perspectives to many aspects of education.

Tsoi Yuen Resistance and Post-80s Generation: A new wave of domestic social movement

Hong Kong was once a British colony and has been under the sovereignty of People’s Republic of China (PRC) since 1997. However, some of the unjust practices and colonial legacies are infiltrated into the development ideology as well as the social structures. The construction of intercity express railway project announced in 2008 causing the demolishment of Tsoi Yuen Tsuen, a “non-indigenous” agricultural village in Hong Kong, was one of the current examples. Tsoi Yuen village was established under the former colonial sovereignty sixty years ago. Approximately 450 populations were affected that they had to relocate their homeland involuntarily. However, these villagers were very attached to their homelands and were unwilling to move, and meanwhile they found that they were absent in the government’s consultation and decision-making process. Soon they began their resistance and demanded for “No Move! No Demolish!”. Their movement was strongly supported by a group of “Post-80s generation” and turned into the most important social movement of the city in recent years. In fact, demolition of Tsoi Yuen Village for city development is not an isolated case in the city. Meanwhile the situation is getting worse in Mainland China. I chose the case study of Tsoi Yuen Resistance from 2008 to 2011 for revelation of the complicated colonial history and postcolonial era of Hong Kong. I focused on discussing the Tsoi Yuen Resistance and the Post-80s movement, and how they have exposed the tension between top-down urban planning and development and public movements fighting for a more democratic process in choosing their way of living. Through the study of a village movement which as well as the rationale behind the Post-80s’ support, I hoped to illustrate how this movement has awaken a different sense of living for the new generations in the midst of the high-sounding urban development. It is an opportunity to examine Hong Kong’s colonial epoch in a different perspective: through studying the Tsoi Yuen Village, let them (subalterns) speak for themselves. Furthermore, the significance of this resistance, taking place eleven years after the handover to the PRC, is an important fact that I shall not miss in later discussion. Last but not least, during the resistance, advanced technology and social networks such as Facebook, Twitter, iPhone were used by Post 80s generation to spread the latest information in order to attract public’s concern and participation. Therefore, apart from studying Tsoi Yuen Resistance as a local social movement, I also regard it as a part of the global movement in perusing ecological lifestyle and civil society. How Post 80s’ generation manipulates the global idea in a local context will also be examined.

Processos culturais e literários na configuração das personagens Brás Cubas e Napumoceno

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

The Politics of the "New North": Putting History and Geography at Stake in Arctic Futures

References to a “New North” have snowballed across popular media in the past 10 years. By invoking the phrase, scientists, policy analysts, journalists and others draw attention to the collision of global warming and global investment in the Arctic today and project a variety of futures for the region and the planet. While changes are apparent, the trope of a “New North” is not new. Discourses that appraised unfamiliar situations at the top of the world have recurred throughout the twentieth century. They have also accompanied attempts to cajole, conquer, civilize, consume, conserve and capitalize upon the far north. This article examines these politics of the “New North” by critically reading “New North” texts from the North American Arctic between 1910 and 2010. In each case, appeals to novelty drew from evaluations of the historical record and assessments of the Arctic’s shifting position in global affairs. “New North” authors pinpointed the ways science, state power, capital and technology transformed northern landscapes at different moments in time. They also licensed political and corporate influence in the region by delimiting the colonial legacies already apparent there. Given these tendencies, scholars need to approach the most recent iteration of the “New North” carefully without concealing or repeating the most troubling aspects of the Arctic’s past.

Insights to Indigenous Media and collaborative Video Work

Indigenous media as a phenomenon cannot be reduced to a reaction to western hegemony and colonial legacies, but is often rooted in the context of resistance, empowerment, self-determination and the reclaiming of symbolic representation. Therefore I would like to reflect on different cases of indigenous film and participatory video work in an attempt to highlight the multiple dynamics that arise due to the desideratum of self-representation and to finally locate us as anthropologists in that context.

Conocimientos y conflictos : Excavando los legados coloniales de las ecologías políticas del extractivismo

Es evidente que el fantasma de los conflictos ambientales recorre Latinoamérica. En este ensayo abordamos los conflictos como problemas epistemológicos, exponiendo reflexiones teóricas con referencias empíricas a partir de la expansión del agronegocio y la megaminería en Argentina. Analizamos los dispositivos políticos dominantes y subalternos que se (re)producen en los conflictos como momentos, dentro de conflictividades más amplias, en las que entran en suspensión, cuestionamiento y-o reacomodamiento las relaciones sociedad-naturaleza. Así, en primer lugar damos cuenta del marco histórico y geográfico que hace posible la emergencia de los actuales conflictos por extractivismo. A continuación, a partir del análisis de dos casos empíricos, analizamos la generación-transformación de algunos conocimientos en el devenir de estos conflictos. Finalmente, argumentamos en torno a las posibilidades de consolidar una epistemología espacial otra que parta de los conflictos actuales pero que al mismo tiempo los trascienda

Conocimientos y conflictos : Excavando los legados coloniales de las ecologías políticas del extractivismo

Es evidente que el fantasma de los conflictos ambientales recorre Latinoamérica. En este ensayo abordamos los conflictos como problemas epistemológicos, exponiendo reflexiones teóricas con referencias empíricas a partir de la expansión del agronegocio y la megaminería en Argentina. Analizamos los dispositivos políticos dominantes y subalternos que se (re)producen en los conflictos como momentos, dentro de conflictividades más amplias, en las que entran en suspensión, cuestionamiento y-o reacomodamiento las relaciones sociedad-naturaleza. Así, en primer lugar damos cuenta del marco histórico y geográfico que hace posible la emergencia de los actuales conflictos por extractivismo. A continuación, a partir del análisis de dos casos empíricos, analizamos la generación-transformación de algunos conocimientos en el devenir de estos conflictos. Finalmente, argumentamos en torno a las posibilidades de consolidar una epistemología espacial otra que parta de los conflictos actuales pero que al mismo tiempo los trascienda

Conocimientos y conflictos : Excavando los legados coloniales de las ecologías políticas del extractivismo

Es evidente que el fantasma de los conflictos ambientales recorre Latinoamérica. En este ensayo abordamos los conflictos como problemas epistemológicos, exponiendo reflexiones teóricas con referencias empíricas a partir de la expansión del agronegocio y la megaminería en Argentina. Analizamos los dispositivos políticos dominantes y subalternos que se (re)producen en los conflictos como momentos, dentro de conflictividades más amplias, en las que entran en suspensión, cuestionamiento y-o reacomodamiento las relaciones sociedad-naturaleza. Así, en primer lugar damos cuenta del marco histórico y geográfico que hace posible la emergencia de los actuales conflictos por extractivismo. A continuación, a partir del análisis de dos casos empíricos, analizamos la generación-transformación de algunos conocimientos en el devenir de estos conflictos. Finalmente, argumentamos en torno a las posibilidades de consolidar una epistemología espacial otra que parta de los conflictos actuales pero que al mismo tiempo los trascienda

Ink Under the Fingernails: Making Print in Nineteenth-Century Mexico City

This dissertation examines Mexico City’s material politics of print—the central actors engaged in making print, their activities and relationships, and the legal, business, and social dimensions of production—across the nineteenth century. Inside urban printshops, a socially diverse group of men ranging from manual laborers to educated editors collaborated to make the printed items that fueled political debates and partisan struggles in the new republic. By investigating how print was produced, regulated, and consumed, this dissertation argues that printers shaped some of the most pressing conflicts that marked Mexico’s first formative century: over freedom of expression, the role of religion in government, and the emergence of liberalism. Printers shaped debates not only because they issued texts that fueled elite politics but precisely because they operated at the nexus where new liberal guarantees like freedom of the press and intellectual property intersected with politics and patronage, the regulatory efforts of the emerging state, and the harsh realities of a post-colonial economy.

Historians of Mexico have typically approached print as a vehicle for texts written by elites, which they argue contributed to the development of a national public sphere or print culture in spite of low literacy levels. By shifting the focus to print’s production, my work instead reveals that a range of urban residents—from prominent printshop owners to government ministers to street vendors—produced, engaged, and deployed printed items in contests unfolding in the urban environment. As print increasingly functioned as a political weapon in the decades after independence, print production itself became an arena in struggles over the emerging contours of politics and state formation, even as printing technologies remained relatively unchanged over time.

This work examines previously unexplored archival documents, including official correspondence, legal cases, business transactions, and printshop labor records, to shed new light on Mexico City printers’ interactions with the emerging national government, and reveal the degree to which heated ideological debates emerged intertwined with the most basic concerns over the tangible practices of print. By delving into the rich social and cultural world of printing—described by intellectuals and workers alike in memoirs, fiction, caricatures and periodicals— it also considers how printers’ particular status straddling elite and working worlds led them to challenge boundaries drawn by elites that separated manual and intellectual labors. Finally, this study engages the full range of printed documents made in Mexico City printshops not just as texts but also as objects with particular visual and material qualities whose uses and meanings were shaped not only by emergent republicanism but also by powerful colonial legacies that generated ambivalent attitudes towards print’s transformative power.

"Unha espía no Reino de Galicia" de Manuel Rivas: O humor e a construción da identidade nacional galega

Este estudo analiza como Manuel Rivas aproveita a ambigüidade do concepto de estereotipo para crear una identidade cultural galega. En Unha espía no Reino de Galicia (2004), Rivas propón que a imaxe paródica do galego e o conxunto de trazos estereotipados que se lle asignan non son un elemento alleo a cultura galega, senón que é un trazo integral da dialéctica da súa identidade nacional. Desta maneira, ó feito diferencial galego, ademais da lingua, a unidade territorial, o celtismo, ou a emigración, habería que engadir a capacidade do galego de parodiar o seu propio discurso nacional.

Institutional legacies and capabilities: work practices and employment relations in Portugal and Mozambique

This is a study of institutional change and continuity, comparing the trajectories followed by Mozambique and its formal colonial power Portugal in HRM, based on two surveys of firm level practices. The colonial power sought to extend the institutions of the metropole in the closing years of its rule, and despite all the adjustments and shocks that have accompanied Mozambique’s post-independence years, the country continues to retain institutional features and associated practices from the past. This suggests that there is a post-colonial impact on human resource management. The implications for HRM theory are that ambitious attempts at institutional substitution may have less dramatic effects than is commonly assumed. Indeed, we encountered remarkable similarities between the two countries in HRM practices, implying that features of supposedly fluid or less mature institutional frameworks (whether in Africa or the Mediterranean world) may be sustained for protracted periods of time, pressures to reform notwithstanding. This highlights the complexities of continuities which transcend formal rules; as post-colonial theories alert us, informal conventions and embedded discourse may result in the persistence of informal power and subordination, despite political and legal changes.

Toxic Legacies, Slow Violence, and Environmental Injustice at Giant Mine, Northwest Territories

For fifty years (1949–99) the now-abandoned Giant Mine in Yellowknife emitted arsenic air and water pollution into the surrounding environment. Arsenic pollution from Giant Mine had particularly acute health impacts on the nearby Yellowknives Dene First Nation (YKDFN), who were reliant on local lakes, rivers, and streams for their drinking water, in addition to frequent use of local berries, garden produce, and medicine plants. Currently, the Canadian government is undertaking a remediation project at Giant Mine to clean up contaminated soils and tailings on the surface and contain 237,000 tonnes of arsenic dust that are stored underground at the Giant Mine. Using documentary sources and statements of Yellowknives Dene members before various public hearings on the arsenic issue, this paper examines the history of arsenic pollution at Giant Mine as a form of “slow violence,” a concept that reconfigures the arsenic issue not simply as a technical problem, but as a historical agent of colonial dispossession that alienated an Indigenous group from their traditional territory. The long-term storage of arsenic at the former mine site means the effects of this slow violence are not merely historical, but extend to the potentially far distant future.

Disorderly categories in picture postcards from colonial Papua and New Guinea

At the turn of the century in Melbourne, a notice typed on the verso of a postcard stated that the South Yarra Baptist Young Men's class was meeting on the following Sunday at 2.45 p.m. The card, published in the United Kingdom, was numbered 51828 in the Valentine series of Papuan postcards.1 The image, a photograph of Hanuabada village taken in the early 1880s, and the text, written early in 1900, are contradictory and constitute separate realms of evidence that invite a renegotiation of meaning, analysis, and interpretation of the relationships between images, tourism, colonial rule, and ethnographic knowing. The visual evidence suggests the postcard may have played an ethnographic, educative role in the public understanding of Papua, which had just become an Australian Territory and was not yet well known. It is also suggestive of educative roles related to mission endeavours, subimperialist ambitions and the new tourist traffic through the ports of Port Moresby, Samarai, and Rabaul.