Reconceptualising International Intervention: Statebuilding, ‘Organic Processes’ and the Limits of Causal Knowledge

This article examines the transformation in the conceptual understanding of international intervention over the last two decades. It suggests that this conceptual shift can be usefully interrogated through its imbrication within broader epistemological shifts highlighting the limits of causal knowledge claims: heuristically framed in this article in terms of the shift from policy interventions within the problematic of causation to those concerned with the management of effects. In this shift, the means and mechanisms of international intervention have been transformed, no longer focused on the universal application of Western causal knowledge through policy interventions but rather on the effects of specific and unique local and organic processes at work in societies themselves. The focus on effects takes the conceptualisation of intervention out of the traditional terminological lexicon of International Relations theory and instead recasts problems in increasingly organicised ways, suggesting that artificial or hubristic attempts at socio-political intervention should be excluded or minimised.

The politics of Timor-Leste : democratic consolidation after intervention

The Politics of Timor-Leste explores the critical issues facing the Asia-Pacific's youngest nation as it seeks to consolidate a democracy following years of international intervention. The authors study the challenges that have burdened the state since it broke from Indonesia amid the violence of 1999 and formally achieved full independence in 2002. They assess the notable accomplishments of Timor-Leste’s leaders and citizens, and consider the country’s future prospects as international organizations prepare to depart. A close study of Timor-Leste sheds light on ambitious state-building projects that have been initiated, with varying success, across the globe.

Contributors to this volume map the nation’s recent political evolution through studies of its constitutional debates, political parties, and foreign policy responses to powerful neighbors. They address the social and economic conditions that complicate Timor-Leste’s political development, such as gender discrimination, poverty, corruption, and security-sector volatility. The contemporary history of Timor-Leste reflects the experiences of many postcolonial and developing countries that have sought to establish a viable state following conflict and a declaration of independence. This small nation has been the subject of five consecutive UN missions with varying mandates. The Politics of Timor-Leste ought to serve as a key source for comparative postcolonial studies and a guide to future trends in international state-building and assistance.

Sovereignty and Intervention in the Middle East: From the Fall of the Ottoman Empire to the Arab Spring

This research provides an institutional explanation of the practices of external intervention in the Arab state system from the fall of the Ottoman Empire in 1922 to the Arab Spring. My explanation consists of two institutional variables: sovereignty and inter-state borders. I examine the changes in regional and international norms of sovereignty and their impact on the practices of external intervention in the Arab state system. I also examine the impact of the level of institutionalization of inter-state borders in the Arab World on the practices of external intervention. I argue that changes in regional and international norms of sovereignty and changes in the level of institutionalization of inter-state borders have constituted the significant variation over time in both the frequency and type of external intervention in the Arab state system from 1922 to the present. My institutional explanation and findings seriously challenge the traditional accounts of sovereignty and intervention in the Arab World, including the cultural perspectives that emphasize the conflict between sovereignty, Arabism, and Islam, the constructivist accounts that emphasize the regional norm of pan-Arabism, the comparative politics explanations that focus on the domestic material power of the Arab state, the post-colonial perspectives that emphasize the artificiality of the Arab state, and the realist accounts that focus on great powers and the regional distribution of power in the Middle East. This research also contributes to International Relations Theory. I construct a new analytical framework to study the relations between sovereignty, borders, and intervention, combining theoretical elements from the fields of Role Theory, Social Constructivism, and Institutionalization. Methodologically, this research includes both quantitative and qualitative analysis. I conduct content analysis of official documents of Arab states and the Arab League, Arabic press documents, and Arab political thought. I also utilize quantitative data sets on international intervention.

Failed states and the rule of law

The last decade has seen an emerging consensus that the rule of law is critical in both domestic and international affairs. ‘Failed’ states generate important issues for both the rule of law and, importantly, for their intersection or interaction. A ‘failed’ state almost inevitably involves a breakdown of the domestic rule of law. When international intervention occurs, it raises concerns over substantive issues. Among these is the application of international law and international norms, including among other, the conventions and treaties, the responsibility to protect and protection of civilians. Where international missions seek to assist the people of ‘failed’ states in rebuilding their nations, establishing the rule of law is often the primary or initial pursuit. Any such international assistance/intervention is more effective if it is clearly subject to the rule of law and provides an exemplar/demonstration of how power should be exercised

Peacebuilding at the Local Level: Refugee Return to Prijedor'

During the 1992-95 war, Prijedor was synonymous with mass killing, ethnic cleansing and detention camps. A decade after the end of the war, international agencies consider this town to be an example of successful foreign intervention. Thousands of Muslim displaced persons (DPs) returned to their pre-war homes, mosques have been rebuilt, and hard-line Serb nationalists have lost much influence. How could Prijedor turn from a hopeless case of ethnic violence to an example of successful intervention? This essay argues that Prijedor's (relative) success is due more to the determination of Muslim DPs than to the international peacebuilding strategy. The initial post-Dayton international intervention exacerbated the problem of internal displacement, raised ethnic tensions and left Prijedor in the hands of the same indicted war criminals responsible for the war. Against the advice of international agencies, which feared a backlash among the Bosnian Serbs, in 1998 Muslim DPs began returning home. Eventually, large-scale return improved ethnic relations and helped marginalize Bosnian Serb extremists. The essay concludes by highlighting the lessons from Prijedor, and identifies the domestic and international contribution to Prijedor's post-settlement success.

O emprego de uma força de segurança de natureza militar nas missões de paz

The conflicts currently taking place around the world demand that the international intervention fits the intensity and extent of the threat. This is particularly important in post-conflict scenarios, leading to a greater participation of the Security Forces in those scenarios, in order to foster lasting peace, enforce the order and improve law enforcement services in those regions. The transition from armed conflict to peacekeeping may entail high risk situations and greater instability periods, so-called “intermediate situations”. Accordingly, in the face of persisting high volatility, a robust response is still required post-conflict. Therefore, it is appropriate to deploy Security Forces with military nature and status, the gendarmeries, which have training and response capabilities similar to Armed Forces in peacekeeping operations. Their double facet as police and military forces enables them to perform police duties in high risk and unsafe environments. In light of these features, the Portuguese gendarmerie, Guarda Nacional Republicana (GNR), is able to carry out tasks in these scenarios, which it has been doing through individual operatives or larger units. This dissertation focuses on the use of Security Forces of military nature in peacekeeping missions, in particular the Portuguese GNR, relying mostly on the inductive approach and using literature research, document analysis, interviews and statistics. After a brief description of international peacekeeping missions, we describe the contribution of Security Forces of a military nature in such operations. Then we introduce and analyse the GNR, focusing on its deployment in different kinds of peacekeeping operations, from its first participation in 1995 until today. We also report some reactions to the performance of GNR. Finally, we discuss whether there is indeed a unique role for this type of forces in international peacekeeping missions.

Towards sustainable peace : peace-building and human security

Failed and fragile states that result from intrastate war pose severe threats to the security of both the international system and individual states alike. In the post-Cold War era, the international community has come to recognize the reality of these threats and the difficulty involved in ending violence and building sustainable peace in failed and fragile states. This work focuses upon the development of a comprehensive strategy for sustainable peace-building by incorporating the tenets of the human security doctrine into the peace-building process. Through the use of case studies of The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and East Timor, the development and refinement of the doctrine of human security will occur, as well as, an understanding of how and where human security fits into the sustainable peace-building equation. The end result of the analysis is the development of a hierarchical pyramid formation that brings together human security and peace-building into one framework that ultimately creates the foundation and structure of sustainable peace-building. With the development of a sustainable peace-building structure based upon the human security doctrine, the role of Canada in the support of sustainable peace-building is analyzed in relation to the form and level of involvement that Canada undertakes and contributes to in the implementation and support of sustainable peace-building initiatives. Following from this, recommendations are provided regarding what role(s) Canada should undertake in the sustainable peace-building process that take into consideration the present and likely future capabilities of Canada to be involved in various aspects of the peace-building process. ii This paper outlines the need for a peace-building strategy that is designed to be sustainable in order that failed and fragile states resulting from intrastate conflict do not regress or collapse back into a condition of civil war, and subsequently designs such a strategy. The linking of peace-building and human security creates the required framework from which sustainable peace-building is derived. Creating sustainable peace is necessary in order to increase the likelihood that both present and future generations existing in failed and fragile states will be spared from the scourge of intrastate war.

Le retour des réfugiés et des personnes déplacées dans le cadre de la consolidation de la paix : les cas de la Croatie et de la Bosnie-Herzégovine

Le travail appréhende la question du retour des réfugiés et des personnes déplacées en Croatie et en Bosnie-Herzégovine, dans le cadre des opérations de consolidation de la paix qui se sont déroulées dans la région. En effet, la réintégration des populations déplacées dans leur domicile d’origine a été présentée comme l’une des priorités par la communauté internationale, et comme la solution idéale afin d’encourager la réconciliation dans la région et, surtout, d’y restituer la diversité ethnique. Or, les bilans respectifs des deux anciennes républiques à l’égard du retour des minorités, présentent des différences significatives. Les facteurs internes auxquels se butaient les processus de retour dans les deux pays étaient sensiblement les mêmes. Dans ces conditions, la variable déterminante semble s’être trouvé au niveau de la nature des interventions internationales qui se sont déployées en Bosnie-Herzégovine et en Croatie. Dans l’ensemble, la Bosnie-Herzégovine a bénéficié, de la part des divers acteurs internationaux, d’une attention plus soutenue à cet égard que la Croatie. Cette situation s’est traduite par le fait que le premier pays s’est vu accordé davantage de ressources financières, logistiques et diplomatiques afin de propulser le retour des minorités ethniques. En outre, elle met en exergue l’inconsistence de la rhétorique internationale qui défend des principes associés à la défense des droits humains, du pluralisme et de la multiethnicité mais dont l’application concrète se heurte aux impératifs domestiques des pays impliqués et aux autres exigences relatives à la reconstruction post-conflit.

Les cultures fragiles : l'UNESCO et la diversité culturelle (2001-2007)

Recherche réalisée en cotutelle - Université de Montréal/EHHESS (Paris)

Evaluating the legacies of state-building: success, failure, and the role of responsibility

What impact do international state-building missions have on the domestic politics of states they seek to build, and how can we measure this impact with confidence? This article seeks to address these questions and challenge some existing approaches that often appear to assume that state-builders leave lasting legacies rather than demonstrating such influence with the use of carefully chosen empirical evidence. Too often, domestic conditions that follow in the wake of international state-building are assumed to follow as a result of international intervention, usually due to insufficient attention to the causal processes that link international actions to domestic outcomes. The article calls for greater appreciation of the methodological challenges to establishing causal inferences regarding the legacies of state-building and identifies three qualitative methodological strategies—process tracing, counterfactual analysis, and the use of control cases—that can be used to improve confidence in causal claims about state-building legacies. The article concludes with a case study of international state-building in East Timor, highlighting several flaws of existing evaluations of the United Nations' role in East Timor and identifying the critical role that domestic actors play even in the context of authoritative international intervention

No respect : forging democracy in Bosnia and Kosovo

This paper discusses how international intervention to consolidate new democracies of post-conflict Bosnia and Kosovo interacts with the heritage of Islamic culture in both states. Within a study of specific examples in the context of civil-military relations, it is argued that the approach of authoritarian state-building, which establishes a democratic political culture by imposing international structures and standards, is posited on dismissing local capacities as unreliable, and undemocratic. The valorising of (Edemocracy¹, (Epeace¹, (Ejustice¹ and economic prosperity, creates a (Ecivilisational slope¹ that has potentially conflictual implications for Islam, political stability and a future for democracy in the region.

National identity in Timor-Leste: challenges and opportunities

Following a long independence struggle and international intervention, in 2006 the tiny impoverished state of Timor-Leste almost imploded in civil chaos and institutional collapse. The events of the time were quickly defined in terms of an east-west geographical and, broadly, linguistic and political divide, corresponding to pro- and anti-government groupings. International intervention quelled the worst of the violence, although elections in 2007 confirmed the general tendency, if not an absolute alignment, to the divide that had appeared in 2006. However, much also united Timor-Leste historically and culturally and, increasingly, in a broad acceptance of civic institutions. It was from this base that the small and sometimes fragile state began to build what promised to be a more coherent future.

Conflito étnico, direitos humanos e intervenção internacional

Dans cet article, on examine comment les conflits ethniques atteignent de façon négative les droits de l'homme et comment a lieu l'intervention internationale en vue de la défense de ces droits. Pour cela, on oppose la structure qui déclenche des conflits ethniques et un cadre idéal où l'État serait capable d'assurer l'exercice des droits humains, selon l optique soutenue par les Nations Unies. Ainsi, à mesure qu'on dénonce les points où ce genre de conflit mine les fondements de ces droits, on construit un deuxième cadre où ils ne sont pas assurés, et c'est là que se pose la question de l'intervention humanitaire. Enfin, on observe que, malgré l'importance des droits humains dans l'après-Guerre Froide, ils ne forment pas une association d'objectifs. Il faut donc, pour comprendre les critères de sélection qui commandent les interventions humanitaires, prendre en compte d'autres intérêts.