Presidencialismo y relaciones ejecutivo-legislativo en la Argentina : (1983-2007)

Resumen: Este trabajo muestra que la dinámica Ejecutivo-Legislativo en la Argentina, para el período 1983-2007, ha sido una de las causas de la inestabilidad institucional en ese país (y, por ende, de los malos resultados económicos). Sin embargo, teniendo en cuenta que tanto el parlamentarismo como el semipresidencialismo, a priori, no serían opciones viables (según las creencias y valores de la sociedad argentina), la solución no sería cambiar de sistema de gobierno, sino reformarlo. La Argentina debería acotar la discrecionalidad presidencial, así como la influencia de los liderazgos partidarios provinciales sobre sus legisladores nacionales. La hipótesis subyacente es que este tipo de propuesta ayudaría a consolidar el clásico rol del Congreso bajo regímenes presidencialistas, con la consiguiente ganancia en estabilidad institucional (y en desempeño económico). Concretamente, las futuras investigaciones deberían estudiar la posible eliminación de la prerrogativa presidencial de legislar mediante decretos de necesidad y urgencia, y la reducción de la magnitud de los distritos electorales más grandes para la elección de diputados nacionales.

Les rapports entre droit et politique dans un contexte d'instabilité institutionnelle: Effet de contagion ? Le cas de la Belgique fédérale

"L’article a pour objectif d’analyser les relations complexes qu’entretiennent politique et droit dans un contexte d’instabilité institutionnelle marqué, à savoir le cas de la Belgique fédérale. L’objectif est de montrer que, s’il est avéré que l’emprise du droit sur le champ politique se développe et que le cas belge peut l’exemplifier, la relation entre les deux sphères ne peut être caractérisée de linaire. La Belgique connaît depuis quatre décennies des transformations institutionnelles majeures. Mais le réformisme s’étend au-delà de la sphère constitutionnelle pour toucher des domaines très divers. Les multiples variations qu’a connues le droit électoral belge ces dernières années en sont l’illustration. Le contexte belge est donc celui d’un réformisme croissant. L’accent sera cependant davantage mis sur l’impact que ce réformisme peut avoir sur les relations qu’entretiennent droit et politique. Il semblerait au premier abord que ce contexte favorise l’extension de la sphère du droit au détriment de la sphère politique. Néanmoins, deux constats viennent nuancer cette idée. D’un côté, la fuite en avant dans les matières institutionnelles découle en réalité de la polarisation du paysage politique sur le clivage linguistique. Ces développements institutionnels sont essentiellement initiés par la sphère politique elle-même, qui tente d’adapter la structure de l’Etat à une nouvelle réalité politique. D’un autre côté, le fédéralisme consociatif génère un certain nombre de difficultés de gestion. Afin de pouvoir proposer une solution qui attirerait l’approbation des deux segments linguistiques, le politique est de plus en plus régulièrement amené à passer outre certains garde-fous juridiques. Cette mainmise du politique sur le droit semble parfois contagieuse ; celle-ci s’étend alors à des domaines moins déterminants que les domaines institutionnels. La contagion réformiste génère le développement de l’expérimentation et de l’incertitude juridiques. L’ensemble de ces arguments nous amènera à proposer une vision nuancée des rapports qu’entretiennent droit et politique en Belgique fédérale."

Estabilidade institucional, credibilidade e poupança privada: uma análise de economia política

O objetivo desta pesquisa é mostrar que há uma relação positiva entre a estabilidade política-institucional, a credibilidade e a taxa de poupança privada. Parte da literatura recente sobre disparidades entre taxas de poupança usa um argumento de economia política para explicar como a instabilidade política-institucional pode afetar as decisões públicas que determinam a poupança pública, mas não sugere da mesma forma que tal instabilidade pode atingir negativamente a poupança privada. Analisar-se-á esta lacuna da teoria partindo-se do referencial teórico da Nova Economia Institucional (NEI), onde salienta-se, nos processos de decisão privada de acumulação de ativos, o papel do governo gartantindo (i) a estabilidade das regras de mercado e (ii) os direitos de propriedade. A pesquisa envolverá uma análise teórica microeconômica da determinação da poupança privada usando a visão da NEI. O interesse prático fundamental da pesquisa é tentar justificar, em parte, os baixos níveis de poupança na América Latina usando um argumento institucionalista e, desta forma, propor ações de governo e reformas.

A transição para a democracia na Argentina (1984-1989): um balanço do governo Alfonsin

Neste artigo, pretendemos mostrar como a transição para a democracia na Argentina, apesar dos sinais de maior estabilidade institucional, convive com a consolidação de um econômico-social cujos sinais de crise tendem a acentuar cada vez mais o seu caráter excludente.

Leadership: A Crucial Ingredient in Unstable Times

Social work is experiencing an unprecedented degree of institutional instability, particularly in the advanced industrial nations which, to varying degrees and via differing paths, have abandoned the Keynesian Welfare State. It has been replaced with a fundamentally different workfare regime in which operates on quite different assumptions – all of which pose fundamental challenges to social work. The degree of change is such that it can be understood as institutional change. The profession needs a number of strategies in response the contemporary de-stabilization. Drawing on theoretical and empirical literature about institutional change we show why it is that professional leadership is crucial in the current environment. The paper reviews what in currently know about leadership, both in general and in relation to social work. Referring to the notion of institutional entrepreneurs and on the role played by other non-social work professional associations in situations of change, we articulate what role leadership can play. We conclude with recommendations about how leadership could be promoted, particularly by the professional associations.

Entre a arte e o engenho: a formação de professores do ensino primário em Évora (1884-1919)

O presente texto pretende dar um contributo para o estudo da formação de professores do ensino primário em Évora, nos finais do século XIX e as duas primeiras décadas do Século XX. Para tal, impõe-se-nos enquadrar a formação de professores do ensino primário em Portugal, caracterizar a rede escolar e os professores do distrito de Évora da segunda metade do Século XIX e, a partir daí, descrever o funcionamento da Escola Normal de 2a classe de Évora, estabelecida no edifício da Igreja de S. Pedro e inaugurada em 1884. Após uma curta existência de oito anos, esta escola foi encerrada e deu lugar à Escola Distrital de Habilitação para o Magistério Primário de Évora, criada em 1896. Apesar de alguma instabilidade institucional (com mudanças nos curricula e na duração da formação), entre 1884 e 1919, estas duas escolas habilitaram dezenas de professores do ensino primário que leccionaram no distrito de Évora. Between art and ability: The primary teachers' formation in Évora (1884 -1919). ABSTRACT: The following text has the purpose of contributing for the study of primary teachers' formation in Évora by the end of the nineteenth century and the first two decades of the twentieth century. Therefore, we first need to understand the frame given by the teachers' formation of the primary school in Portugal, to characterize the school network and the teachers of Évora district of the second half of the nineteenth century and, from that, describe the function of Escola Normal de 2a classe of Évora, established in the building of S. Pedro's church and first opened in 1884. After a short eight years of existence, this school was closed and gave place to Escola Distrital de Habilitação for the Magistério Primário of Évora, created in 1896. Despite some institutional instability (with changes in the curricula and length of the formation), between 1884 and 1919, this two schools qualified several primary teachers for the district of Évora.

Political instability, institutional quality and social conflict in the Andes

Includes bibliography

Contradictions : Genre, causal layered analysis and analysis of institutional change

In what follows, I put forward an argument for an analytical method for social science that operates at the level of genre. I argue that generic convergence, generic hybridity, and generic instability provide us with a powerful perspectives on changes in political, cultural, and economic relationships, most specifically at the level of institutions. Such a perspective can help us identify the transitional elements, relationships, and trajectories that define the place of our current system in history, thereby grounding our understanding of possible futures.1 In historically contextualising our present with this method, my concern is to indicate possibilities for the future. Systemic contradictions indicate possibility spaces within which systemic change must and will emerge. We live in a system currently dominated by many fully-expressed contradictions, and so in the presence of many possible futures. The contradictions of the current age are expressed most overtly in the public genres of power politics. Contemporary public policy—indeed politics in general-is an excellent focus for any investigation of possible futures, precisely because of its future-oriented function. It is overtly hortatory; it is designed ‘to get people to do things’ (Muntigl in press: 147). There is no point in trying to get people to do things in the past. Consequently, policy discourse is inherently oriented towards creating some future state of affairs (Graham in press), along with concomitant ways of being, knowing, representing, and acting (Fairclough 2000).

Institutional Persistence in Eastern Europe: Economic and Political Legacies of Empires and Communism

This dissertation seeks to advance our understanding of the roles that institutions play in economic development. How do institutions evolve? What mechanisms are responsible for their persistence? What effects do they have on economic development?

I address these questions using historical and contemporary data from Eastern Europe and Russia. This area is relatively understudied by development economists. It also has a very interesting history. For one thing, for several centuries it was divided between different empires. For another, it experienced wars and socialism in the 20th century. I use some of these exogenous shocks as quasi-natural social experiments to study the institutional transformations and its effects on economic development both in the short and long run.

This first chapter explores whether economic, social, and political institutions vary in their resistance to policies designed to remove them. The empirical context for the analysis is Romania from 1690 to the 2000s. Romania represents an excellent laboratory for studying the persistence of different types of historical institutional legacies. In the 18th and 19th centuries, Romania was split between the Habsburg and Ottoman Empires, where political and economic institutions differed. The Habsburgs imposed less extractive institutions relative to the Ottomans: stronger rule of law, a more stable and predictable state, a more developed civil society, and less corruption. In the 20th century, the Romanian Communist regime tried deliberately to homogenize the country along all relevant dimensions. It was only partially successful. Using a regression discontinuity design, I document the persistence of economic outcomes, social capital, and political attitudes. First, I document remarkable convergence in urbanization, education, unemployment, and income between the two former empires. Second, regarding social capital, no significant differences in organizational membership, trust in bureaucracy, and corruption persist today. Finally, even though the Communists tried to change all political attitudes, significant discontinuities exist in current voting behavior at the former Habsburg-Ottoman border. Using data from the parliamentary elections of 1996-2008, I find that former Habsburg rule decreases by around 6 percentage points the vote share of the major post-Communist left party and increases by around 2 and 5 percentage points the vote shares of the main anti-Communist and liberal parties, respectively.

The second chapter investigates the effects of Stalin’s mass deportations on distrust in central authority. Four deported ethnic groups were not rehabilitated after Stalin’s death; they remained in permanent exile until the disintegration of the Soviet Union. This allows one to distinguish between the effects of the groups that returned to their homelands and those of the groups that were not allowed to return. Using regional data from the 1991 referendum on the future of the Soviet Union, I find that deportations have a negative interim effect on trust in central authority in both the regions of destination and those of origin. The effect is stronger for ethnic groups that remained in permanent exile in the destination regions. Using data from the Life in Transition Survey, the chapter also documents a long-term effect of deportations in the destination regions.

The third chapter studies the short-term effect of Russian colonization of Central Asia on economic development. I use data on the regions of origin of Russian settlers and push factors to construct an instrument for Russian migration to Central Asia. This instrument allows me to interpret the outcomes causally. The main finding is that the massive influx of Russians into the region during the 1897-1926 period had a significant positive effect on indigenous literacy. The effect is stronger for men and in rural areas. Evidently, interactions between natives and Russians through the paid labor market was an important mechanism of human capital transmission in the context of colonization.

The findings of these chapters provide additional evidence that history and institutions do matter for economic development. Moreover, the dissertation also illuminates the relative persistence of institutions. In particular, political and social capital legacies of institutions might outlast economic legacies. I find that most economic differences between the former empires in Romania have disappeared. By the same token, there are significant discontinuities in political outcomes. People in former Habsburg Romania provide greater support for liberalization, privatization, and market economy, whereas voters in Ottoman Romania vote more for redistribution and government control over the economy.

In the former Soviet Union, Stalin’s deportations during World War II have a long-term negative effect on social capital. Today’s residents of the destination regions of deportations show significantly lower levels of trust in central authority. This is despite the fact that the Communist regime tried to eliminate any source of opposition and used propaganda to homogenize people’s political and social attitudes towards the authorities. In Central Asia, the influx of Russian settlers had a positive short-term effect on human capital of indigenous population by the 1920s, which also might have persisted over time.

From a development perspective, these findings stress the importance of institutions for future paths of development. Even if past institutional differences are not apparent for a certain period of time, as was the case with the former Communist countries, they can polarize society later on, hampering economic development in the long run. Different institutions in the past, which do not exist anymore, can thus contribute to current political instability and animosity.