902 resultados para income guarantee policy
One year after the Youth Guarantee: Policy fatigue or signs of action? EPC Policy Brief, 27 May 2015
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In April 2013, the EU Council called on EU member states to establish Youth Guarantee (YG) schemes, ensuring that “all young people under the age of 25 years receive a good-quality offer of employment, continued education, apprenticeship or traineeship within a period of four months of becoming unemployed or leaving formal education”. Implementation was meant to start more than a year ago, but political interest seems to have waned a bit. Is a ‘policy fatigue’ contaminating youth employment policies across the EU? Have some timid signs of economic recovery led to youth unemployment being less urgent or are we witnessing the usual policy developments whereby grand EU statements are worn down by political realities and resistance on the ground? In this Policy Brief, Claire Dhéret and Martina Morosi assess the implementation of the Youth Guarantee and provide suggestions on how to renew a sense of enthusiasm for such an ambitious tool across Europe.
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[ESP] En este trabajo se realiza un análisis del surgimiento de las rentas mínimas en la Unión Europea y el Estado español, para centrarnos en el caso del País Vasco, no solo porque es la realidad que mejor conocemos sino también porque representa la experiencia más avanzada en este territorio. En primer lugar, analizaremos la orientación de las políticas europeas en materia de garantía de rentas, así como su influencia en el modelo vasco. En segundo lugar, daremos cuenta de los niveles de protección proporcionados hoy día por la Renta de Garantía de Ingresos vasca así como del perfil de la población beneficiaria. Por último, realizamos una valoración crítica de algunas propuestas de revisión del sistema de garantía de rentas español, tanto por su significado intrínseco, como por su eventual repercusión en el sistema vasco de garantía de ingresos.
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The Australian income tax regime is generally regarded as a mechanism by which the Federal Government raises revenue, with much of the revenue raised used to support public spending programs. A prime example of this type of spending program is health care. However, a government may also decide that the private sector should provide a greater share of the nation's health care. To achieve such a policy it can bring about change through positive regulation, or it can use the taxation regime, via tax expenditures, not to raise revenue but to steer or influence individuals in its desired direction. When used for this purpose, tax expenditures steer taxpayers towards or away from certain behaviour by either imposing costs on, or providing benefits to them. Within the context of the health sector, the Australian Federal Government deploys social steering via the tax system, with the Medicare Levy Surcharge and the 30 percent Private Health Insurance Rebate intended to steer taxpayer behaviour towards the Government’s policy goal of increasing the amount of health provision through the private sector. These steering mechanisms are complemented by the ‘Lifetime Health Cover Initiative’. This article, through the lens of behavioural economics, considers the ways in which these assorted mechanisms might have been expected to operate and whether they encourage individuals to purchase private health insurance.
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The present study examined the historical basis of the Australian disability income support system from 1908 to 2007. Although designed as a safety net for people with a disability, the disability income support system within Australia has been highly targeted. The original eligibility criteria of "permanently incapacitated for work", medical criteria and later "partially capacitated for work" potentially contained ideological inferences that permeated across the time period. This represents an important area for study given the potential consequence for disability income support to marginalise people with a disability. Social policy and disability policy theorists, including Saunders (2007, Social Policy Research Centre [SPRC]) and Gibilisco (2003) have provided valuable insight into some of the effects of disability policy and poverty. Yet while these theorists argued for some form of income support they did not propose a specific form of income security for further exploration. Few studies have undertaken a comprehensive review of the history of disability income support within the Australian context. This thesis sought to redress these gaps by examining disability income support policy within Australia. The research design consisted of an in-depth critical historical-comparative policy analysis methodology. The use of critical historical-comparative policy analysis allowed the researcher to trace the construction of disability within the Australian disability income support policy across four major historical epochs. A framework was developed specifically to guide analysis of the data. The critical discourse analysis method helped to understand the underlying ideological dimensions that led to the predominance of one particular approach over another. Given this, the research purpose of the study centred on: i. Tracing the history of the Australian disability income support system. ii. Examining the historical patterns and ideological assumptions over time. iii. Exploring the historical patterns and ideological assumptions underpinning an alternative model (Basic Income) and the extent to which each model promotes the social citizenship of people with a disability. The research commitment to a social-relational ontology and the quest for social change centred on the idea that "there has to be a better way" in the provision of disability income support. This theme of searching for an alternative reality in disability income support policy resonated throughout the thesis. This thesis found that the Australian disability income support system is disabling in nature and generates categories of disability on the basis of ableness. From the study, ableness became a condition for citizenship. This study acknowledged that, in reality, income support provision reflects only one aspect of the disabling nature of society which requires redressing. Although there are inherent tensions in any redistributive strategy, the Basic Income model potentially provides an alternative to the Australian disability income support system, given its grounding in social citizenship. The thesis findings have implications for academics, policy-makers and practitioners in terms of developing better ways to understand disability constructs in disability income support policy. The thesis also makes a contribution in terms of promoting income support policies based on the rights of all people, not just a few.
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The election of an Australian Labor Government in Australia in 2007 saw ‘social inclusion’ emerge as the official and overarching social policy agenda. Being ‘included’ was subsequently defined by the ALP Government as being able to ‘have the resources, opportunities and capabilities needed to learn, work, engage and have a voice’. Various researchers in Australia demonstrated an interest in social inclusion, as it enabled them to construct a multi-dimensional framework for measuring disadvantage. This research program resulted in various forms of statistical modelling based on some agreement about what it means to be included in society. The multi-dimensional approach taken by academic researchers, however, did not necessarily translate to a new model of social policy development or implementation. We argue that, similar to the experience of the UK, Australia’s social inclusion policy agenda was for the most part narrowly and individually defined by politicians and policy makers, particularly in terms of equating being employed with being included. We conclude with discussion about the need to strengthen the social inclusion framework by adopting an understanding of social inequality and social justice that is more relational and less categorical.
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The long-term vision of economic security and social participation for people with a disability held by disability activists and policy-makers has not been realised on a global scale. This is despite the implementation of various poverty alleviation initiatives by international and national governments. Indeed within advanced Western liberal democracies, the inequalities and poverty gaps have widened rather than closed. This article is based on findings from a historical-comparative policy and discourse analysis of disability income support system in Australia and the Basic Income model. The findings suggest that a model such as Basic Income, grounded in principles of social citizenship, goes some way to maintaining an adequate level of subsistence for people with a disability. The article concludes by presenting some challenges and a commitment to transforming income support policy.
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Spanish version available
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In today's complex and changing global context, the Latin American and Caribbean region must persevere, more than ever, in three directions: structural change to underpin progress towards more knowledge-intensive sectors, convergence to reduce internal and external gaps in income and productivity, and equality of rights. This is the integrated approach proposed by ECLAC as a route towards the development the region needs. This implies tackling three major challenges: to achieve high and sustained rates of growth so as to close structural gaps and generate quality jobs; to change consumption and production patterns in the context of a genuine technological revolution with environmental sustainability; and to guarantee equality on the basis of greater convergence in the production structure, with universal social protection and capacity-building. Such an endeavour requires the return of politics and of the State's role in promoting investment and growth, redistribution and regulation with a view to structural change for equality, through industrial, macroeconomic, social and labour policies. These are some of the key proposals of Structural Change for Equality: An Integrated Approach to Development, which ECLAC will present to its member States at the thirty-fourth session of the Commission (San Salvador, August 2012). The proposals in that document, which is summarized here, deepen and broaden the ideas set forth in Time for equality: closing gaps, opening trails, aiming towards sustainable development with equality and taking into account the diverse national conditions across the region.
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Com a sua evolução e crescimento as organizações necessitam, cada vez mais, de controlar e garantir os seus recebimentos, tendo o controlo interno um papel fundamental na consecução desse objectivo. Assim, é imperativo que estas organizações possuam um sistema de controlo interno alinhado e integrado em cada um dos processos internos, que são a base do seu negócio. Ao potenciar os seus recursos e ao garantir o controlo dos seus recebimentos, uma organização adquire uma potente ferramenta para enfrentar um mundo cada vez mais competitivo, como é o caso das empresas de informática, objeto deste trabalho. Este relatório tem como objectivo principal uma análise e caracterização das práticas de controlo interno existentes, de forma a maximizar e controlar as contas a receber, numa área de extrema importância como é a área das vendas, clientes e dívidas a receber. De forma a conseguir atingir esses objectivos, neste trabalho serão abordados e revistos, na fundamentação teórica, os principais conceitos e definições relativos ao controlo interno e ao controlo e garantia dos recebimentos de uma empresa. Este estágio teve como objeto um grupo de três empresas de comercialização de material informático de apreciável dimensão, crescimento e complexidade (em número de clientes, número de documentos tratados e formas de recebimento). O modelo de cobranças e recebimentos abordados neste relatório, ainda que não esteja a funcionar a 100%, permite concluir, desde já, uma segurança, fiabilidade e eficiência acrescidas no sistema de controlo de recebimentos da empresa.
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This thesis is comprised of three chapters. The first article studies the determinants of the labor force participation of elderly American males and investigates the factors that may account for the changes in retirement between 1950 and 2000. We develop a life-cycle general equilibrium model with endogenous retirement that embeds Social Security legislation and Medicare. Individuals are ex ante heterogeneous with respect to their preferences for leisure and face uncertainty about labor productivity, health status and out-of-pocket medical expenses. The model is calibrated to the U.S. economy in 2000 and is able to reproduce very closely the retirement behavior of the American population. It reproduces the peaks in the distribution of Social Security applications at ages 62 and 65 and the observed facts that low earners and unhealthy individuals retire earlier. It also matches very closely the increase in retirement from 1950 to 2000. Changes in Social Security policy - which became much more generous - and the introduction of Medicare account for most of the expansion of retirement. In contrast, the isolated impact of the increase in longevity was a delaying of retirement. In the second article, I develop an overlapping generations model of criminal behavior, which extends prior research on crime by taking into account individuals' labor supply decisions and the stigma effect that affects convicted offenders, lowering their likelihood of employment. I use the model to guide a quantitative assessment of the determinants of crime and of a counterfactual experiment in which an income redistribution policy is thought as an alternative to greater law enforcement. The model economy considered in this paper is populated by heterogeneous agents who live for a realistic number of periods, have preferences over consumption and leisure, and differ in terms of their age, their skills as well as their employment shocks. In addition, savings may be precautionary and allow partial insurance against the labor income shocks. Because of the lack of full insurance, this model generates an endogenous distribution of wealth across consumers, enabling us to assess the welfare implications of the redistribution policy experiment. I calibrated the model using the US data for 1980 and then use the model to investigate the changes in criminality between 1980 and 1996. The main results that come out of this study are: 1) Law enforcement policy was the most important factor behind the fall in criminality in the period, while the increase in inequality was the most important single factor promoting crime; 2) Stigmatization is not a free-cost crime control policy; 3) Income redistribution can be a powerful alternative policy to fight crime. Finally, the third article studies the impact of HIV/AIDS on per capita income and education. It explores two channels from HIV/AIDS to income that have not been sufficiently stressed by the literature: the reduction of the incentives to study due to shorter expected longevity and the reduction of productivity of experienced workers. In the model individuals live for three periods, may get infected in the second period and with some probability die of Aids before reaching the third period of their life. Parents care for the welfare of the future generations so that they will maximize lifetime utility of their dynasty. The simulations predict that the most affected countries in Sub-Saharan Africa will be in the future, on average, thirty percent poorer than they would be without AIDS. Schooling will decline in some cases by forty percent. These figures are dramatically reduced with widespread medical treatment, as it increases the survival probability and productivity of infected individuals.
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Prólogo de la Sra. Alicia Bárcena, Secretaria Ejecutiva de CEPAL
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)