1000 resultados para human sacrifice


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by Hermann L. Strack. The English transl. by Henry Blanchamp

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"When Susannah Birch was two years old her mother cut her throat, in a ritual sacrifice, Susannah was very lucky to survive. This was the first of her mother’s psychotic episodes as she enacted a passage from The Old Testament...In this moving documentary Susannah and her father describe their memories of this shocking event and how it has affected them."--publisher website

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Includes bibliographical references.

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The status, roles, and interactions of three dominant African ethnic groups and their descendants in Cuba significantly influenced the island's cubanidad (national identity): the Lucumís (Yoruba), the Congos (Bantú speakers from Central West Africa), and the Carabalís (from the region of Calabar). These three groups, enslaved on the island, coexisted, each group confronting obstacles that threatened their way of life and cultural identities. Through covert resistance, cultural appropriation, and accommodation, all three, but especially the Lucumís, laid deep roots in the nineteenth century that came to fruition in the twentieth. During the early 1900s, Cuba confronted numerous pressures, internal and external. Under the pretense of a quest for national identity and modernity, Afro-Cubans and African cultures and religion came under political, social, and intellectual attack. Race was an undeniable element in these conflicts. While all three groups were oppressed equally, only the Lucumís fought back, contesting accusations of backwardness, human sacrifice, cannibalism, and brujería (witchcraft), exaggerated by the sensationalistic media, often with the police's and legal system's complicity. Unlike the covert character of earlier epochs' responses to oppression, in the twentieth century Lucumí resistance was overt and outspoken, publically refuting the accusations levied against African religions. Although these struggles had unintended consequences for the Lucumís, they gave birth to cubanidad's African component. With the help of Fernando Ortiz, the Lucumí were situated at the pinnacle of a hierarchical pyramid, stratifying African religious complexes based on civilizational advancement, but at a costly price. Social ascent denigrated Lucumí religion to the status of folklore, depriving it of its status as a bona fide religious complex. To the present, Lucumí religious descendants, in Cuba and, after 1959, in many other areas of the world, are still contesting this contradiction in terms: an elevated downgrade.

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The status, roles, and interactions of three dominant African ethnic groups and their descendants in Cuba significantly influenced the island’s cubanidad (national identity): the Lucumís (Yoruba), the Congos (Bantú speakers from Central West Africa), and the Carabalís (from the region of Calabar). These three groups, enslaved on the island, coexisted, each group confronting obstacles that threatened their way of life and cultural identities. Through covert resistance, cultural appropriation, and accommodation, all three, but especially the Lucumís, laid deep roots in the nineteenth century that came to fruition in the twentieth. During the early 1900s, Cuba confronted numerous pressures, internal and external. Under the pretense of a quest for national identity and modernity, Afro-Cubans and African cultures and religion came under political, social, and intellectual attack. Race was an undeniable element in these conflicts. While all three groups were oppressed equally, only the Lucumís fought back, contesting accusations of backwardness, human sacrifice, cannibalism, and brujería (witchcraft), exaggerated by the sensationalistic media, often with the police’s and legal system’s complicity. Unlike the covert character of earlier epochs’ responses to oppression, in the twentieth century Lucumí resistance was overt and outspoken, publically refuting the accusations levied against African religions. Although these struggles had unintended consequences for the Lucumís, they gave birth to cubanidad’s African component. With the help of Fernando Ortiz, the Lucumí were situated at the pinnacle of a hierarchical pyramid, stratifying African religious complexes based on civilizational advancement, but at a costly price. Social ascent denigrated Lucumí religion to the status of folklore, depriving it of its status as a bona fide religious complex. To the present, Lucumí religious descendants, in Cuba and, after 1959, in many other areas of the world, are still contesting this contradiction in terms: an elevated downgrade.

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Vol. I contains the whole text of the work published in 1866 with title: The vicarious sacrifice grounded in principles of universal obligation. Vol. 2 is additional matter which the author intended "should eventually take the place of parts III and IV of his treatise." cf. Vol. II, Advertisement.

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La ville préhispanique de Cantona, située dans la vallée d’Oriental dans l’état de Puebla au Mexique, atteignit sa première apogée culturelle entre 150 av. J.C. et 600/650 A.D. Durant cette période, des complexes cérémoniaux comprenant des groupes de pyramides-temples et des terrains de jeu de balle furent construits. Ces installations servirent au déroulement de nombreux rites au cours desquels les victimes de sacrifices étaient décapitées, démembrées, décharnées, écorchées, bouillies, brûlées et, dans certains cas, consommées. D’autres traitements du corps humain comportent l’inhumation d’individus en position assise et repliés sur eux-mêmes. Pour mieux comprendre le traitement mortuaire rituel des corps humains à Cantona, les découvertes faites sur place sont comparées aux données datant de la même époque obtenues dans trois régions voisines : la vallée de Mexico, Puebla-Tlaxcala et le golfe du Mexique. A partir de ces renseignements, on peut en déduire que la majorité des découvertes faites à Cantona sont les restes des dépouilles et offrandes provenant de rites destinés à la communication avec les dieux et à l’obtention de la fertilité, tandis que les dépouilles des individus en position assise appartiennent à des prêtres ou à des personnages religieux.

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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BACKGROUND: The prolonged effect of electroporation-mediated human interleukin-10 (hIL-10) overexpression in skeletal muscle under the control of the constitutional polyubiquitin C promoter (pUb hIL-10) on rat lung allograft rejection was evaluated. METHODS: Left lung allotransplantation was performed from Brown-Norway to Fischer-F344 rats. Either 2.5 mug pCIK hIL-10 (hIL-10/cytomegalovirus early promoter enhancer) alone (Group I/sacrifice Day 5 and II/sacrifice Day 10) or in combination with 2.5 mug pUb hIL-10 (hIL-10/UbC promoter; Group III/sacrifice Day 10) were injected into the tibialis anterior muscle of the recipient, followed by electroporation 24 hours before transplantation. Animals in Control Groups IV and V without gene transfer were euthanized on Day 5 and 10, respectively. All animals received a daily non-therapeutic dose of cyclosporine A (2.5 mg/kg). RESULTS: In Control Group IV, complete rejection (median A3B3) was noted on Day 5 with a Pao(2) of 43 +/- 9 mm Hg. In recipients of Control Group V, measurement of gas exchange on Day 10 and rejection grading was impossible because of complete destruction of the allograft. Group I animals on Day 5 (233 +/- 123 mm Hg; p = 0.02 vs Group IV) and Group II animals on Day 10 (150 +/- 139 mm Hg; p = 0.15 vs Group IV) demonstrated improved graft function. Graft function in Group III was further improved on Day 10 (299 +/- 123 mm Hg; p = 0.002 vs Group IV; p = 0.05 vs Group II; p = 0.36 vs Group I). Rejection was significantly reduced in Group III (median, A2B2) compared with Group II (median, A4B3; p < 0.05). CONCLUSIONS: Interleukin-10 overexpression under control of the constitutive ubiquitin C promoter ameliorates acute rejection and preserves lung graft function for a prolonged time.

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The tissue kallikreins are serine proteases encoded by highly conserved multigene families. The rodent kallikrein (KLK) families are particularly large, consisting of 13 26 genes clustered in one chromosomal locus. It has been recently recognised that the human KLK gene family is of a similar size (15 genes) with the identification of another 12 related genes (KLK4-KLK15) within and adjacent to the original human KLK locus (KLK1-3) on chromosome 19q13.4. The structural organisation and size of these new genes is similar to that of other KLK genes except for additional exons encoding 5 or 3 untranslated regions. Moreover, many of these genes have multiple mRNA transcripts, a trait not observed with rodent genes. Unlike all other kallikreins, the KLK4-KLK15 encoded proteases are less related (25–44%) and do not contain a conventional kallikrein loop. Clusters of genes exhibit high prostatic (KLK2-4, KLK15) or pancreatic (KLK6-13) expression, suggesting evolutionary conservation of elements conferring tissue specificity. These genes are also expressed, to varying degrees, in a wider range of tissues suggesting a functional involvement of these newer human kallikrein proteases in a diverse range of physiological processes.