356 resultados para guilty plea


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The guilty plea sentencing discount is arguably a triumph of expediency over principle. Strong utilitarian reasons favour providing less severe sentences to defendants who plead guilty. However, an unsavoury by-product of the guilty plea discount is that some innocent people are pressured into pleading guilty. This article suggests that a possible solution to the problems caused by the discount is to permit defendants to enter a ‘qualified guilty plea’. While formally amounting to a guilty of plea, the defendant would be permitted to advance submissions consistent with innocence as part of the plea in mitigation. If the sentencer is persuaded that the defendant had a tenable chance of an acquittal a penalty discount in excess of that available for merely pleading guilty would be conferred.

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The conventional wisdom is that offenders have very high discount rates not only with respect to income and fines but also with respect to time incarcerated. These rates are difficult to measure objectively and the usual approach is to ask subjects hypothetical questions and infer time preference from their answers. In this article, we propose estimating rates at which offenders discount time incarcerated by specifying their equilibrium plea, defined as the discount rate, which equates the time and expected time spent in jail following a guilty plea and a trial. Offenders are assumed to exhibit positive time preference and discount time spent in jail at a constant rate. Our choice of sample is interesting because the offenders are not on bail, punishment is not delayed and the offences are planned therefore conforming to Becker’s model of the decision to commit a crime. Contrary to the discussion in the literature, we do not find evidence of consistently high time discount rates, and therefore cannot unequivocally infer that the prison experience always results in low levels of specific deterrence.

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The purpose of our study is to understand the process of sentencing in cases of filicide from an analysis of criminal and legal criteria on which judges base themselves as well as from an analysis of penal functions aimed by the sentences issued for this type of homicide. The sample studied in this paper consists of fourteen sentencing judgments rendered by the judges at the sentencing. These judgments were all issued in Quebec between 1996 and 2008 inclusive. It is clear from our analysis that the guilty plea recorded by the accused, the lawyers' sentence suggestions, the method of filicide, repetition of misconduct or not in the parent, the number of victims, the age of the accused, the presence or absence of criminal history of the accused as well as the professional occupation of the latter may influence judges' decision concerning the sentence. These elements, however, do not necessarily carry the iv same weight in the process of sentencing from one judge to another. Nevertheless, we observe that the discretionary power the judges have does not seem to be used in a biased or inadequate manner. In fact, every sentence is clearly justified according to reasonable arguments and none is far from other sentences that have made jurisprudence.

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La présente étude cherche à décrire et à comprendre les pratiques professionnelles des avocats de la défense lors des négociations des plaidoyers de culpabilité, phénomène très courant bien qu’encore trop peu connu. Nous nous sommes intéressées auxpropos de douze avocats de la défense travaillant au Palais de Justice de Montréal. Nos analyses mettent en évidence différents éléments liés à la cause, à l’accusé ou aux considérations professionnelles des avocats qui peuvent avoir une influence sur le déroulement des négociations, mais surtout, elles montrent comment ces éléments peuvent être interprétés différemment selon les avocats et les cas qu’ils défendent. De plus, le discours des avocats sur le déroulement des négociations laisse entrevoir des pratiques différentes entre eux, selon leurs niveaux d’implication (dans le dossier, dans leurs relations…).

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Travail dirigé présenté à la faculté des études supérieures en vue de l’obtention du grade de Maître en science (M.Sc.) en criminologie, option criminalistique et informations

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Criminal courts fundamentally provide a forum for conducting prosecutions with a guilty plea or a trial. At present, there is no generally accepted  methodology for estimating the monetary value of those services. The  purpose of this paper is to attempt to fill this gap by proposing a  methodology predicated on the joint optimising decisions of society and the defendant, who are the two stakeholders in any criminal case. The technique can also be potentially used to evaluate both theoretically and empirically the impact of court delay reduction programs on social welfare, and the specification of socially optimal court waiting times.

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Australian Sentencing: Principles and Practice explains the rules, principles, policies and practices that underpin the manner in which people are punished for criminal behaviour in Australia. As well as dealing with sentencing law today, the book provides an extensive analysis of the wider policy, moral, and political consideration which shape sentencing law. It analyses and evaluates existing standards and practices, and suggests how sentencing law should be reformed so that it operates in a fairer, more efficient and effective manner.

Content: Part A: 1. The nature of sentencing and theories of punishment; 2. Plucking figures from the air: the instinctive synthesis; 3. The objectives that are attainable through sentencing; 4. High Court sentencing jurisprudence; Part B: 5. The principle of proportionality; 6. Aggravating factors; 7. Mitigating considerations; 8. The relevance of a guilty plea to sentence; 9. The relevance of prior criminality; 10. Aboriginality; Part C: 11. The nature of criminal sanctions; 12. Imprisonment; 13. Intermediate sanctions; 14. Discharges and bonds, fines and disqualifications; Part D: 15. The way forward ? strategic sentencing.

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Criminal courts provide a forum for conducting prosecutions with a guilty plea or a trial. Since queues are used as the basis for rationing scarce court facilities delays are inevitable, however courts are invariably criticised as being inefficient as a consequence. This focus on court delay defined as the time elapsing between the listing of the case in the court list and its final disposition is misleading. Rather, attention should be drawn to the considerably longer period between the initiation of proceedings and the conclusion of the case. In the case of defendants not granted bail, this pre-trial delay confers both costs and benefits on society and this observation can be used to ascertain socially optimal pre-trial waits.

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The conventional wisdom is that offenders have very high discount rates not only with respect to income and fines but also with respect to time incarcerated. These rates are difficult to measure objectively and the usual approach is to ask subjects hypothetical questions and infer time preference from their answers. In this article, we propose estimating rates at which offenders discount time incarcerated by specifying their equilibrium plea, defined as the discount rate, which equates the time and expected time spent in jail following a guilty plea and a trial. Offenders are assumed to exhibit positive time preference and discount time spent in jail at a constant rate. Our choice of sample is interesting because the offenders are not on bail, punishment is not delayed and the offences are planned therefore conforming to Becker’s model of the decision to commit a crime. Contrary to the discussion in the literature, we do not find evidence of consistently high time discount rates, and therefore cannot unequivocally infer that the prison experience always results in low levels of specific deterrence.

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Sentence discounts are now routinely used by Australian courts to encourage guilty pleas. In this article, the authors examine three populations of not on bail defendants who went to trial and were convicted in New South Wales in 2004 for the offences of aggravated robbery, burglary and murder respectively, with the objective of estimating the percentage reduction in sentence quantum that would have induced them to plead guilty. Since conviction (acquittal) probabilities following a trial are likely to be uniformly distributed between 0 and 1, the expected mean probability of conviction (acquittal) for a defendant pleading not guilty was 0.5. The average reductions in the prison sentence corresponding to this probability were: 21%, 23% and 27% respectively. The maximum (minimum) values were: 39% (1.3%), 40% (1.9%) and 39% (1.5%). This range of values reflects the wide dispersion of actual prison sentences handed down by the courts. The distribution of actual sentence discounts offered by the judges in exchange for a guilty plea is not available, consequently the authors cannot comment on why these defendants chose a trial.

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Most child sexual abuse cases do not result in a full trial or guilty plea; rather, case attrition occurs at earlier stages of the criminal justice system. One reason for the attrition of these cases is the withdrawal of complaints, by children or their caregivers. The aim of the current study was to determine the case characteristics associated with complaint withdrawal in child sexual abuse cases by the child or his or her parents once a report has been made to authorities. All child sexual abuse incidents reported to authorities in one jurisdiction of Australia in 2011 were analyzed (N=659). A multinomial logistic regression was used to predict the following case outcomes: (1) withdrawn by the child or his or her parents, (2) exited for other reasons (e.g., the alleged offender was not identified, the child refused to be interviewed), and (3) resulted in a charge. Five predictors significantly added to the prediction of case outcome: child age, suspect gender, suspect age, child-suspect relationship, and abuse frequency. These results should contribute to the design of interventions in order to reduce complaint withdrawals if these withdrawals are not in the child's best interests.

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In October 2003, US citizen Christina Thomas died while scuba diving on Queensland’s Great Barrier Reef. Following over five years of delays, her husband David Watson accepted a plea bargain to which he pleaded guilty to manslaughter on the basis of criminal negligence. Watson was initially sentenced to four and a half years imprisonment, suspended after 12 months, however this was later increased on appeal to suspension after 18 months. Using Watson as a framework for analysis, this article examines some of the limitations of an inefficient justice system, with a particular focus on the private nature of the plea bargaining process, and the potentially favourable representations and sentencing of men who kill a female intimate partner. The authors argue that the need to respond to court inefficiency and under-resourcing in the criminal courts creates pressures that can result in a desire for increased efficiency being prioritised above other justice concerns, and this allows for existing flaws within the operation of the criminal justice system to be exacerbated, and excused.