Election campaigns, and television news coverage : the case of the 2001 Australian election

This paper examines the patterns of television news coverage of the political parties, their leaders and the issues they raised during the 2001 Australian federal election campaign. By focusing on some issues, parties and leaders, television has long been argued to constrain voters' evaluations. We find that television news coverage in the 2001 Australian election campaign focused primarily on international issues, especially terrorism and asylum seekers, and on the two major parties - virtually to the exclusion of coverage of the minor parties and their leaders. Within the major party 'two-horse race', television gave substantially more coverage to the leaders than to the parties themselves, thereby sustaining what some have called a 'presidential'-style political contest. John Howard emerged as the winner in the leaders' stakes, garnering more coverage than Labor's Kim Beazley.

Social media in selected Australian federal and state election campaigns, 2010-15

Campaigning in Australian election campaigns at local, state, and federal levels is fundamentally affected by the fact that voting is compulsory in Australia, with citizens who are found to have failed to cast their vote subject to fines. This means that - contrary to the situation in most other nations – elections are decided not by which candidate or party has managed to encourage the largest number of nominal supporters to make the effort to cast their vote, but by some 10-20% of genuine ‘swinging voters’ who change their party preferences from one election to the next. Political campaigning is thus aimed less at existing party supporters (so-called ‘rusted on’ voters whose continued support for the party is essentially taken for granted) than at this genuinely undecided middle of the electorate. Over the past decades, this has resulted in a comparatively timid, vague campaigning style from both major party blocs (the progressive Australian Labor Party [ALP] and the conservative Coalition of the Liberal and National Parties [L/NP]). Election commitments that run the risk of being seen as too partisan and ideological are avoided as they could scare away swinging voters, and recent elections have been fought as much (or more) on the basis of party leaders’ perceived personas as they have on stated policies, even though Australia uses a parliamentary system in which the Prime Minister and state Premiers are elected by their party room rather than directly by voters. At the same time, this perceived lack of distinctiveness in policies between the major parties has also enabled the emergence of new, smaller parties which (under Australia’s Westminster-derived political system) have no hope of gaining a parliamentary majority but could, in a close election, come to hold the balance of power and thus exert disproportionate influence on a government which relies on their support.

In search of the "why" behind campaign professionalisation: explaining the degree and profile of campaign professionalisation by an empirical analysis of 23 Swiss cantonal election campaigns

Die Organisation und die strategische Kommunikation von Wahlkämpfen haben sich in den letzten Jahrzehnten in den meisten westeuropäischen Staaten gewandelt, so auch in der Schweiz. Die Kommunikationswissenschaft hat dafür den Begriff der „Professionalisierung“ geprägt und Eigenschaften zusammengetragen, die zu einem „professionalisierten“ Wahlkampf gehören – wie z.B. die Beauftragung von externen Expertinnen und Experten oder die direkte Ansprache von Wählerinnen und Wählern („narrowcasting“). Welche Hintergründe diese Professionalisierung aber hat und wie das Phänomen nicht nur praktisch zu beschreiben, sondern auch theoretisch zu begründen ist, wurde bisher kaum diskutiert. Hier setzt die vorliegende Dissertation an. Basierend auf einer Analyse von 23 Wahlkämpfen aus den Kantonen Aargau, Appenzell Ausserrhoden, Bern, Neuchâtel und Zürich mithilfe der Methode Fuzzy Set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA) kommt sie zum Schluss, dass die Professionalisierung der Wahlkämpfe vor dem theoretischen Hintergrund des soziologischen Neo-Institutionalismus als Anpassung von Wahlkämpfen an sich verändernde Bedingungen, Erwartungen und Anforderungen in den wichtigsten Anspruchsgruppen oder „Umwelten“ für den Wahlkampf (Wählerinnen und Wähler, Mitglieder, Medien, andere Parteien) definiert werden kann. Daraus folgt, dass es nicht nur „die“ Professionalisierung gibt, sondern dass jeder Wahlkampf an jene Umwelten angepasst wird, wo diese Anpassung den Wahlkampfverantwortlichen am dringlichsten erscheint. Daher sollte Professionalisierung mit vier einzelnen Messinstrumenten bzw. Professionalisierungsindices – einem pro Umwelt – gemessen werden. Misst man Professionalisierung wie bisher üblich nur mit einem einzigen Messinstrument, gibt der resultierende Wert nur ein ungenaues Bild vom Grad der Professionalisierung des Wahlkampfs wieder und verschleiert, als Anpassung an welche Umwelt die Professionalisierung geschieht. Hat man ermittelt, wie professionalisiert ein Wahlkampf im Hinblick auf jede der vier relevantesten Umwelten ist, können dann auch zuverlässiger die Gründe analysiert werden, die zur jeweiligen Professionalisierung geführt haben. Die empirische Analyse der kantonalen Wahlkämpfe bestätigte, dass hinter der Professionalisierung in Bezug auf jede der vier Umwelten auch tatsächlich unterschiedliche Gründe stecken. Wahlkämpfe werden in Bezug auf die Ansprache der Wähler angepasst („professionalisiert“), wenn sie in urbanen Kontexten stattfinden. Den Wahlkampf im Hinblick auf die Mitglieder zu professionalisieren ist besonders wichtig, wenn die Konkurrenz zwischen den Parteien gross ist oder wenn eine Ansprache der Gesamtwählerschaft für eine Partei wenig gewinnbringend erscheint. Die Professionalisierung des Wahlkampfes in Bezug auf die Medien erfolgt dann, wenn er eine grosse, regional stark verteilte oder aber eine urbane Wählerschaft ansprechen muss. Für die Professionalisierung der Wahlkämpfe gegenüber anderen Parteien kann kein aussagekräftiger Schluss gezogen werden, da nur wenige der untersuchten Kantonalparteien ihre Wahlkämpfe überhaupt im Hinblick auf andere Parteien professionalisierten, indem sie die gegnerischen Wahlkämpfe beobachteten und den eigenen wenn nötig entsprechend anpassten.

Investigation of illegal or improper activities in connection with 1996 federal election campaigns : witness deposition testimony /

Includes indexes.

Political networks on twitter : tweeting the Queensland state election

This paper examines patterns of political activity and campaigning on Twitter in the context of the 2012 election in the Australian state of Queensland. Social media have been a visible component of political campaigning in Australia at least since the 2007 federal election, with Twitter, in particular, rising to greater prominence in the 2010 federal election. At state level, however, they have remained comparatively less important thus far. In this paper, we track uses of Twitter in the Queensland campaign from its unofficial start in February through to the election day of 24 March 2012. We both examine the overall patterns of activity in the hash tag #qldvotes, and track specific interactions between politicians and other users by following some 80 Twitter accounts of sitting members of parliament and alternative candidates. Such analysis provides new insights into the different approaches to social media campaigning which were embraced by specific candidates and party organisations, as well as an indication of the relative importance of social media activities, at present, for state-level election campaigns.

Sean O'Sullivan Campaign Election Brochure

A campaign election brochure for Sean O'Sullivan for M.P. Hamilton Wentworth, 1972.

Re-election pamphlet - Sean O'Sullivan for Hamilton-Wentworth, 1974

A pamphlet for re-election for Sean O'Sullivan, Hamilton-Wentworth, 1974. Included photographs of Sean O'Sullivan and quotes from several newspapers.

Journalism, History and the Politics of Popular Culture

I argue that a divergence between popular culture as “object” and “subject” of journalism emerged during the nineteenth century in Britain. It accounts not only for different practices of journalism, but also for differences in the study of journalism, as manifested in journalism studies and cultural studies respectively. The chapter offers an historical account to show that popular culture was the source of the first mass circulation journalism, via the pauper press, but that it was later incorporated into the mechanisms of modern government for a very different purpose, the theorist of which was Walter Bagehot. Journalism’s polarity was reversed – it turned from “subjective” to “objective.” The paper concludes with a discussion of YouTube and the resurgence of self-made representation, using the resources of popular culture, in current election campaigns. Are we witnessing a further reversal of polarity, where popular culture and self-representation once again becomes the “subject” of journalism?

New media [Fourth Edition]

This is the fourth edition of New Media: An Introduction, with the previous editions being published by Oxford University Press in 2002, 2005 and 2008. As the first edition of the book published in the 2010s, every chapter has been comprehensively revised, and there are new chapters on: • Online News and the Future of Journalism (Chapter 7) • New Media and the Transformation of Higher Education (Chapter 10) • Online Activism and Networked Politics (Chapter 12). It has retained popular features of the third edition, including the twenty key concepts in new media (Chapter 2) and illustrative case studies to assist with teaching new media. The case studies in the book cover: the global internet; Wikipedia; transmedia storytelling; Media Studies 2.0; the games industry and exploitation; video games and violence; WikiLeaks; the innovator’s dilemma; massive open online courses (MOOCs); Creative Commons; the Barack Obama Presidential campaigns; and the Arab Spring. Several major changes in the media environment since the publication of the third edition stand out. Of particular importance has been the rise of social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter and YouTube, which draw out even more strongly the features of the internet as networked and participatory media, with a range of implications across the economy, society and culture. In addition, the political implications of new media have become more apparent with a range of social media-based political campaigns, from Barack Obama’s successful Presidential election campaigns to the Occupy movements and the Arab Spring. At the same time, the subsequent developments of politics in these and other cases has drawn attention to the limitations of thinking about the politics or the public sphere in technologically determinist ways. When the first edition of New Media was published in 2002, the concept of new media was seen as being largely about the internet as it was accessed from personal computers. The subsequent decade has seen a proliferation of platforms and devices: we now access media in all forms from our phones and other mobile platforms, therefore we seen television and the internet increasingly converging, and we see a growing uncoupling of digital media content and delivery platforms. While this has a range of implications for media law and policy, from convergent media policy to copyright reform, governments and policy-makers are struggling to adapt to such seismic shifts from mass communications media to convergent social media. The internet is no longer primarily a Western-based medium. Two-thirds of the world’s internet users are now outside of Europe and North America; three-quarters of internet users use languages other than English; and three-quarters of the world’s mobile cellular phone subscriptions are in developing nations. It is also apparent that conducting discussions about how to develop new media technologies and discussions about their cultural and creative content can no longer be separated. Discussions of broadband strategies and the knowledge economy need to be increasingly joined with those concerning the creative industries and the creative economy.

A ‘Big Data’ Approach to Mapping the Australian Twittersphere

This chapter discusses the methodological aspects and empirical findings of a large-scale, funded project investigating public communication through social media in Australia. The project concentrates on Twitter, but we approach it as representative of broader current trends toward the integration of large datasets and computational methods into media and communication studies in general, and social media scholarship in particular. The research discussed in this chapter aims to empirically describe networks of affiliation and interest in the Australian Twittersphere, while reflecting on the methodological implications and imperatives of ‘big data’ in the humanities. Using custom network crawling technology, we have conducted a snowball crawl of Twitter accounts operated by Australian users to identify more than one million users and their follower/followee relationships, and have mapped their interconnections. In itself, the map provides an overview of the major clusters of densely interlinked users, largely centred on shared topics of interest (from politics through arts to sport) and/or sociodemographic factors (geographic origins, age groups). Our map of the Twittersphere is the first of its kind for the Australian part of the global Twitter network, and also provides a first independent and scholarly estimation of the size of the total Australian Twitter population. In combination with our investigation of participation patterns in specific thematic hashtags, the map also enables us to examine which areas of the underlying follower/followee network are activated in the discussion of specific current topics – allowing new insights into the extent to which particular topics and issues are of interest to specialised niches or to the Australian public more broadly. Specifically, we examine the Twittersphere footprint of dedicated political discussion, under the #auspol hashtag, and compare it with the heightened, broader interest in Australian politics during election campaigns, using #ausvotes; we explore the different patterns of Twitter activity across the map for major television events (the popular competitive cooking show #masterchef, the British #royalwedding, and the annual #stateoforigin Rugby League sporting contest); and we investigate the circulation of links to the articles published by a number of major Australian news organisations across the network. Such analysis, which combines the ‘big data’-informed map and a close reading of individual communicative phenomena, makes it possible to trace the dynamic formation and dissolution of issue publics against the backdrop of longer-term network connections, and the circulation of information across these follower/followee links. Such research sheds light on the communicative dynamics of Twitter as a space for mediated social interaction. Our work demonstrates the possibilities inherent in the current ‘computational turn’ (Berry, 2010) in the digital humanities, as well as adding to the development and critical examination of methodologies for dealing with ‘big data’ (boyd and Crawford, 2011). Out tools and methods for doing Twitter research, released under Creative Commons licences through our project Website, provide the basis for replicable and verifiable digital humanities research on the processes of public communication which take place through this important new social network.

Rolling out the future: The current status of the Australian NBN and its impact for property

The future functioning of the digital economy is inextricably linked to the use of high-speed broadband networks. As evidenced by recent Australian federal election campaigns, a focus has been on the rollout of the physical networks. The research seeks to determine the effectiveness of the current NBN rollout as a measure of Australia’s progression towards a fully functioning digital economy. The author examines submissions to the recent RTIRC Telecommunications Review 2015 in order to ascertain the NBN’s current impact upon Australia’s digital economy.