991 resultados para domestic service
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Domestic service refers to the work required to complete duties pertaining to the maintenance and functioning of the household, particularly when performed by employed labor. This study provides an ethnographic account of domestic service through an analysis of social behavior and cultural patterns. The participants in the social structure of domestic service are the señora (the lady of the house), her family, and the empleadas (domestic workers) all of whom have specific social identities and roles within the household. The señora/empleada dyad is central to the institution and all other participants are secondary. This study contributes to the growing body of work in anthropology that concentrates on elite sectors of society and explores theoretical issues relating to gender, class, and ethnic differences in Peru.
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This paper analyses the latest Spanish reforms regarding domestic work. The Spanish legislator, doubtlessly influenced by the ILO Domestic Work Convention nº 189 – which, however, was not later ratified in Spain- made a deep reform on domestic work in 2011. This legal reform implied a striking change that affected both working conditions and social security of employees in the family home. The aim of this reform has been to bring the regulation in domestic work closer to the general regulation for other workers, although maintaining certain specialties. Regarding working conditions, their setting as “particular employment relationship” has been held. However, the differences between this relationship and the common ones have been reduced. As for social security, domestic employees have been incorporated into the General Social Security System, but with important specialties, thus erasing the Special Domestic Employees System. The paper also examines the legal changes that have taken place in this field after the new Government arose.
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En este trabajo se exploran los condicionantes sociológicos e institucionales del mercado del servicio doméstico en Europa. Para ello se trabajó, básicamente, en tres líneas de investigación que aun están en curso. La primera, consiste en una exploración filosófica republicana, histórica y jurídica de la familia y la empresa capitalistas como instituciones que tienen una raigambre histórica común –la antigua domus, donde se desarrollaban todas las actividades productivas y reproductivas y que se caracterizaba constitutivamente por relaciones de dominación entre el propietario de los medios de producción y todos aquéllos que dependían de éste para subsistir-. Bajo el capitalismo, la familia –entendida ya como el hombre, su mujer e hijos legítimos- se constituyó en una institución eminentemente privada y las actividades desarrolladas en su seno quedaron fuera de lo que se consideró trabajo susceptible de reconocimiento económico. En este sentido, la normativa que regula al servicio doméstico como una relación laboral de carácter “especial” es un reflejo de la desvalorización socioeconómica de que ha sido objeto el trabajo reproductivo y la asociación conceptual entre la “improductividad” del ama de casa y la empleada doméstica. En la segunda línea del trabajo se exploraron las variaciones cuantitativas del mercado del servicio doméstico en Europa, cuya trayectoria presenta una forma de U entre la década de 1880 y mediados de la década de 1990. También mediante el análisis de fuentes secundarias de datos se pudieron establecer las profundas diferencias regionales que ha comportado este resurgimiento del empleo en servicios domésticos y su peso dentro de la estructura de empleo de cada sociedad. Por último, en la tercera se indagó la fluctuación histórica y geográfica de la oferta de trabajadoras domésticas en Europa, que pasó de las migraciones internas a las internacionales, coincidiendo con periodos de fuerte desigualdad económica entre las zonas expulsoras y receptoras.
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Nombre de femmes paysannes haïtiennes migrent vers Port-au-Prince où elles deviennent travailleuses domestiques. Leur service domestique permet aux femmes qui les emploient de s'investir dans le travail non-domestique et de pouvoir accéder ainsi à la migration internationale. En France, ces migrantes deviennent à leur tour travailleuses domestiques, ce qui permet aux femmes françaises de s'investir dans le travail non-domestique. Ces phénomènes témoignent de l'existence d'une chaîne de travail et de migration où s'articulent les rapports sociaux de sexe, de classe, de race et les confrontations Nord/Sud, au coeur de la mondialisation néolibérale. Quelques-unes de ces femmes racontent leur histoire qui exprime à la fois la violence des rapports sociaux et leurs stratégies pour devenir sujet. Pour penser ces « Sujettes », je propose une approche qui croise la recherche féministe et la sociologie clinique sur les plans théorique, méthodologique et épistémologique. -- Many rural Haitian women migrate to Port-au-Prince and become domestic workers. Their domestic service allows other women to invest in the non-domestic work and access to international migration as well. In France, these Haitian migrants become domestic workers in turn, which allows French women to invest in the non-domestic work. These phenomena demonstrate the existence of a global work and migration chain where gender, class, race and the North/South confrontations are articulated, in the neoliberal globalization. Some of these women tell their life story which expresses both the violence of social problems and their strategies to become subject. To think these "subjects" I propose to cross feminist research and clinical sociology on the theoretical, methodological and epistemological point of view. Intersectionality among gender, race and class, North / South confrontations, productive and reproductive labour , domestic work, domestic service, care work , internal and international migration, neoliberal globalization, clinical sociology.
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The limited coverage of servants in nineteenth-century literature may plausibly be ascribed to the tenuous nature of the roles they play in primary texts, and especially to the problematic nature of their agency. This idea is implicit in the arguments of Bruce Robbins, whose The Servant’s Hand remains the most cogent approach to giving servants a palpable role in critical narrative: for Robbins, the agency that acts through the servant ‘prosthesis’ rebounds on the master, granting the servant figure a sometimes exorbitant textual agency. The figure of the sleepwalking maid, and the analogies between sleepwalking and domestic service implicit in it, will help to complicate this picture. In anecdotes of spontaneous sleepwalking, and their subsequent appropriation by mesmerists, maids are cast as non-agents in terms of ownership of narrative: their subjectivity is immaterial to the public fate of the story which their acts generate. But this apparent non-agency is itself derived from their spontaneity; from an autonomous, albeit unconscious, self-will. As such, sleepwalking subjectivity is a gift to paternalism; a mastery it does not have to produce. In conclusion, it is this undetermined quality, rather than a simple lack of agency, that characterizes the maid in the novel, and which continues to exclude domestic servants from critical narrative.
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What was it like to be a teenager in medieval England? Despite the fact that medieval society often singled young apprentices and workers out for comment, their study has been largely neglected in medieval archaeology. The skeletal remains of 4940 adolescents (6.6-25 years) from 151 sites in medieval England was compiled from a combination of primary data collection and secondary data from published and unpublished skeletal reports and on-line databases. The aim was to explore whether apprentices could be identified in the archaeological record and if so, at what age they started work and what impact occupation had on their health. The data were divided into urban and rural groups, dating from before and after the Black Death of AD 1348-9, and before the Industrial Revolution. A shift in the demographic pattern of urban and rural adolescents was identified after the Black Death, with a greater number of young females residing in the urban contexts after 14 years. The average age of males increased from 12 years to 14 years after the plague years, contrary to what we might expect from the documentary sources. There were higher rates of spinal and joint disease in the urban adolescents and their injuries were more widespread than their rural counterparts. Domestic service was the potential cause of the greater strain on the knees and backs of the urban females, with interpersonal violence evident in the young urban males. Overall, it was the urban females that carried the burden of respiratory and infectious diseases suggesting they may have been the most vulnerable group. This study has demonstrated the value of adolescent skeletal remains in revealing information about their health and working life, before and after the Black Death.
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Includes bibliography
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Includes bibliography
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Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC
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Includes bibliography.
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One photograph depicts, the “Klan Oak” located 2 miles south of Fort Mill, Route #36. Tradition says the Ku Klux Klan in the Eastern part of York County in late 1800s gathered here. The other photograph is the school established on Saluda Street by Willie Chisholm for purpose of training black females as maids.
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Objetivo: Explorar las percepciones de las mujeres inmigrantes trabajadoras del servicio doméstico sobre la puesta en vigor en España del Real Decreto 1620/2011, que regula la relación laboral del servicio del hogar familiar, y su efecto en sus condiciones de empleo. Métodos: Estudio exploratorio mediante análisis de contenido cualitativo. Se realizaron tres grupos de discusión con mujeres inmigrantes (colombianas, ecuatorianas y marroquíes). Resultados: A pesar de valorar positivamente los beneficios teóricos de la nueva normativa, las mujeres inmigrantes han identificado barreras legales y económicas para conseguir un contrato, ser dadas de alta en la seguridad social y que las personas empleadoras asuman su coste, en especial en el caso de las trabajadoras contratadas por horas. Estas dificultades influyen en la posibilidad de legalizar su situación. La confluencia con la crisis económica ha emergido como un problema que dificulta su cumplimiento. Conclusiones: Aunque el nuevo régimen ha favorecido la creación de puestos de trabajo con mayores derechos laborales en el sector, las mujeres inmigrantes perciben que su puesta en marcha en el actual contexto de crisis económica no ha contribuido a mejorar sus condiciones de empleo.
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Includes bibliographical references and index.
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Care has come to dominate much feminist research on globalized migrations and the transfer of labor from the South to the North, while the older concept of reproduction had been pushed into the background but is now becoming the subject of debates on the commodification of care in the household and changes in welfare state policies. This article argues that we could achieve a better understanding of the different modalities and trajectories of care in the reproduction of individuals, families, and communities, both of migrant and nonmigrant populations by articulating the diverse circuits of migration, in particular that of labor and the family. In doing this, I go back to the earlier North American writing on racialized minorities and migrants and stratified social reproduction. I also explore insights from current Asian studies of gendered circuits of migration connecting labor and marriage migrations as well as the notion of global householding that highlights the gender politics of social reproduction operating within and beyond households in institutional and welfare architectures. In contrast to Asia, there has relatively been little exploration in European studies of the articulation of labor and family migrations through the lens of social reproduction. However, connecting the different types of migration enables us to achieve a more complex understanding of care trajectories and their contribution to social reproduction.