844 resultados para discrimination, sexual orientation, education, transdisciplinarity, masculinity, religion
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Another recently enacted law is the Iowa Safe Schools Law. Effective September 1, 2007, Iowa Code Chapter 280 requires both public and private schools to establish policies prohibiting harassment and bullying against students by employees, school volunteers, or other students. Sexual Orientation and Gender identity are covered under the Safe Schools Law. Students may now seek remedies under both Chapter 216 and Chapter 280.
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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)
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Much of social science literature about South African cities fails to represent its complex spectrum of sexual practices and associated identities. The unintended effects of such representations are that a compulsory heterosexuality is naturalised in, and reiterative with, dominant constructions of blackness in townships. In this paper, we argue that the assertion of discreet lesbian and gay identities in black townships of a South African city such as Cape Town is influenced by the historical racial and socio-economic divides that have marked urban landscape. In their efforts to recoup a positive sense of gendered personhood, residents have constructed a moral economy anchored in reproductive heterosexuality. We draw upon ethnographic data to show how sexual minorities live their lives vicariously in spaces they have prised open within the extant sex/gender binary. They are able to assert the identities of moffie and man-vrou (mannish woman) without threatening the dominant ideology of heterosexuality.
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The new single Equality Duty represents a next step in equality legislation. The existing public sector equality duties for race, disability and gender were pioneering pieces of legislation which placed the public sector at the forefront of tackling discrimination and inequality.Many have seen the benefits the existing duties have delivered, but now is the time to go further. the aim of this bill is to extend the benefits of the equality duties to the other protected characteristics of age, sexual orientation, gender reassignment, and religion or belief.The Equality Duty will require public bodies to think about how they can eliminate discrimination, advance equality of opportunity and foster good relations for all the protected groups.
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Effective July 1, 2007, the Iowa Civil Rights Act (Iowa Code Chapter 216) was expanded to add sexual orientation and gender identity to the list of protected characteristics. It is now illegal in Iowa to discriminate against a person because of his/her actual or perceived sexual orientation or gender identity.
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Effective July 1, 2007, the Iowa Civil Rights Act (Iowa Code Chapter 216) was expanded to add sexual orientation and gender identity to the list of protected classes. It is now ILLEGAL in Iowa to discriminate against a person because of his/her sexual orientation or gender identity.
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Effective July 1, 2007, the Iowa Civil Rights Act (Iowa Code Chapter 216) was expanded to add sexual orientation and gender identity to the list of protected classes. It is now ILLEGAL in Iowa to discriminate against a person because of his/her sexual orientation or gender identity.
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Most research on sexual orientation and alcohol use in the United States has found higher rates of alcohol use and abuse among gay men and lesbians. Studies from other countries have found smaller or no differences between sexual minority and heterosexual women and men. The present study used general population survey data from 14 countries to examine high-volume and risky single-occasion drinking by sexual orientation. Data from 248 gay men and lesbians and 3720 heterosexuals were analyzed in a case-control design. In several countries partnered or recently partnered gay men and lesbians had no greater risk of heavy drinking or engaging in heavy drinking than heterosexual controls. Only lesbians in North America showed higher risk for both indicators. Future general population health research should include larger samples of gays and lesbians and use more comprehensive measures of sexual orientation for investigating the prevalence of health risk factors.
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AIM: Sexual orientation plays an important part in building identity during adolescence. The aim of this study was to describe patterns of sexual orientation, including sexual attraction, fantasies, affiliations and behaviour. METHODS: The study was based on the analysis of data from computerized self-administered questionnaires of a Swiss national survey on the sexual life of 16 to 20-year-old adolescents (n = 2,075 girls and 2,208 boys.). RESULTS: Overall, 95.0% of girls and 96.2% of boys described themselves as predominantly heterosexual; 1.4% of girls and 1.7% of boys as predominantly homosexual or bisexual; and 2.8% of teenagers (girls: 3.6%; boys: 2.1%) were "unsure" of their sexual orientation. The reported prevalence of homosexual attraction (girls: 2.0%; boys: 2.9%) exceeded homosexual fantasies (girls: 0.4%; boys: 0.5%) and affiliations (girls: 0.3%; boys: 0.5%). Among the 4205 respondents, 31 girls (1.5% of girls) and 56 boys (2.5% of boys) reported sexual behaviour (experience or penetrative intercourse) with a person of the same sex. Among 1.5% of girls and 2.5% of boys who reported sexual behaviour with a person of the same sex, 65% of boys and 80% of girls nevertheless considered themselves as heterosexual. CONCLUSION: For a comprehensive understanding of sexual orientation in adolescence a differentiated look at dimensions of sexual orientation is indispensable. This applies to clinical settings, public health and research.
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Studies that have used mostly self-reported height have found that men with a same-sex orientation and women with an other-sex orientation are shorter, on average, than men with an other-sex orientation and women with a same-sex orientation, respectively. This thesis examined whether an objective height difference exists or whether a psychosocial account (e.g., distortion of self-reports) may explain these putative height differences. Also, this thesis examined whether certain individual differences (e.g, gender roles and socially desirable responding) predict height distortion. Eight hundred and thirteen participants, recruited at Brock University, the Niagara Community and through surrounding LGBT events, completed self-reported height, measures of gender roles and socially desirable responding, and had their height measured. Using hierarchical linear regressions, it was found that Same-Sex/Both-Sex Oriented men were shorter, on average, than predominantly Other-Sex Oriented men; however, there was no difference in objective height between Same-Sex/Both-Sex Oriented women and predominantly Other-Sex Oriented women. These findings contribute to existing biological theories of men's sexual orientation development and do not contribute to biological theories of women's sexual orientation development. Height distortion was not related to sexual orientation and only marginally related to sex. Predictors of height distortion were Impression Management, in both men and women, and Unmitigated Agency, in men. These findings highlight the complexity of sexual orientation development in men and women. These findings also highlight the role of certain psychosocial factors in how people perceive their bodies and/or how they want their bodies to be perceived by others.
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Although some are excited about the possibility of using current scientific research into the biological causes of sexual orientation to ground rights claims, I argue that basing rights claims on this research is unwise because this research, specifically the hormonal, genetic, and structural research, is organized around the inversion assumption, a conceptual scheme within which some aspect of the biology of gay men and lesbians is thought to be inverted along sex lines.While there are many reasons to worry about the use of the inversion assumption, I focus on problems that arise from a further set of claims that must be assumed in order to make the use of the inversion assumption coherent. This further set of assumptions includes the claims (1) that heterosexuality is the standard state and that (2) this standard state is sexually-dimorphic and (3) deterministic. I argue that this set of assumptions is problematic because it results in ideological consequences that are both sexist and heterosexist.
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