43 resultados para corporatist


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Austria and Finland are persistently referred to as the “success stories” of post-1945 European history. Notwithstanding their different points of departure, in the course of the Cold War both countries portrayed themselves as small and neutral border-states in the world dictated by superpower politics. By the 1970s, both countries frequently ranked at the top end in various international classifications regarding economic development and well-being in society. This trend continues today. The study takes under scrutiny the concept of consensus which figures centrally in the two national narratives of post-1945 success. Given that the two domestic contexts as such only share few direct links with one another and are more obviously different than similar in terms of their geographical location, historical experiences and politico-cultural traditions, the analogies and variations in the anatomies of the post-1945 “cultures of consensus” provide an interesting topic for a historical comparative and cross-national examination. The main research question concerns the identification and analysis of the conceptual and procedural convergence points of the concepts of the state and consensus. The thesis is divided into six main chapters. After the introduction, the second chapter presents the theoretical framework in more detail by focusing on the key concepts of the study – the state and consensus. Chapter two also introduces the comparative historical and cross-national research angles. Chapter three grounds the key concepts of the state and consensus in the historical contexts of Austria and Finland by discussing the state, the nation and democracy in a longer term comparative perspective. The fourth and fifth chapter present case studies on the two policy fields, the “pillars”, upon which the post-1945 Austrian and Finnish cultures of consensus are argued to have rested. Chapter four deals with neo-corporatist features in the economic policy making and chapter five discusses the building up of domestic consensus regarding the key concepts of neutrality policies in the 1950s and 1960s. The study concludes that it was not consensus as such but the strikingly intense preoccupation with the theme of domestic consensus that cross-cut, in a curiously analogous manner, the policy-making processes studied. The main challenge for the post-1945 architects of Austrian and Finnish cultures of consensus was to find strategies and concepts for consensus-building which would be compatible with the principles of democracy. Discussed at the level of procedures, the most important finding of the study concerns the triangular mechanism of coordination, consultation and cooperation that set into motion and facilitated a new type of search for consensus in both post-war societies. In this triangle, the agency of the state was central, though in varying ways. The new conceptions concerning a small state’s position in the Cold War world also prompted cross-nationally perceivable willingness to reconsider inherited concepts and procedures of the state and the nation. At the same time, the ways of understanding the role of the state and its relation to society remained profoundly different in Austria and Finland and this basic difference was in many ways reflected in the concepts and procedures deployed in the search for consensus and management of domestic conflicts. For more detailed information, please consult the author.

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Cette recherche se propose de réfléchir sur la place des groupes d’intérêts dans le système politique de l’UE en partant de l’exemple de la filière lait. Dans un système généralement pluraliste, la PAC fait en effet figure de cas particulier puisqu’elle a fonctionné à partir des années 1960 sur une logique de co-gestion de la politique des marchés entre la Commission et la principale fédération agricole européenne, le Comité des Organisations Professionnelles agricoles (COPA) associé depuis 1962 au Comité Général de la Coopération agricole de l'Union européenne (COGECA). Néanmoins, du fait du processus de réforme de la PAC engagé depuis 1992, il paraît nécessaire d’analyser si la logique de co-gestion est remise en cause. Cette recherche conclue qu’il existe bien un rapport néo-corporatiste dans le secteur laitier, dans le sens où un acteur en particulier, le syndicat COPA-COGECA est parvenu à influencer de manière déterminante la procédure en obtenant de renforcer le pouvoir de négociation des producteurs sans revenir sur les réformes récentes de la PAC.

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Germany's economic and social system faces immense economic, social, and political demands. These may be encapsulated in challenges like "new management concepts and labor policies," "deregulation of the infrastructure sector," "globalization," and "reunification." The paper analyzes these challenges and changes to the corporatist system of industrial relations--a cornerstone in .Model Germany's specific economic success and social consensus until now.

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The assertion on which this paper is based is that Capitalism has been superseded by Corporatism. I put forward an argument as to why Marxist scholars can and should abandon the idea that Capitalism still exists based on Marx’s approach to understanding political economy. Further, I argue that Marx’s method can be deployed to better understand and change the corporatist system in which we are currently living first by understanding what it means to be “labour” in a system governed by complex structures of debt.

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O objetivo do presente estudo foi desenvolver uma discussão teórica acerca do projeto varguista que pôde ser percebido como uma tentativa de criação de um "Estado de bem-estar" no Brasil. Uma ampla base teórica traz elementos de análise sobre Estado de bem-estar, como contribuições sobre o processo de engajamento do Estado na constituição de estratégias para lidar com a "questão social", os motores desse engajamento, os atores envolvidos e o peso de seus papéis, os objetivos dos projetos de Estado de bem-estar e as consequências na instituição dos welfare states. A partir da proposta de Esping-Andersen de compreensão de diferentes regimes de welfare state - conservador, liberal e social-democrata - análise do projeto varguista resultou como enquadrado no modelo conservador. A saída corporativa, com a construção de políticas sociais - marcadamente trabalhistas -, apresentou-se como novo marco de coesão social, pelo qual poderia ser permitida a participação da classe trabalhadora. Assim como no modelo conservador sistematizado por Esping-Andersen, os direitos sociais brasileiros tiveram um reduzido potencial desmercantilizador se verificados na relação com a ideia de "cidadania regulada", pois indica uma cidadania orientada apenas para grupos ocupantes de categorias profissionais reconhecidas legalmente e pela qual a relação salarial foi traduzida em direitos e garantida constitucionalmente. As políticas sociais apresentam-se como verdadeiras políticas de formação de classe: a cidadania regulada transformava-se em promessa de inclusão, moldando as perspectivas e aspiração da classe trabalhadora e assim, legitimando a luta pela sua própria efetivação.

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Garda Youth Diversion Projects (GYDPs) have since their beginnings in the early 1990s gained an increasingly important role and now constitute a central feature of Irish youth justice provision. Managed by the Irish Youth Justice Service and implemented by the Gardai and a variety of youth work organisations as well as independent community organisations, GYDPs are located at the crossroads of welfarist and corporatist approaches to youth justice, combining diversionary and preventative aspects in their work. To date, these projects have been subjected to very little systematic analysis and they have thus largely escaped critical scrutiny. To address this gap, this thesis locates the analysis of GYDP policy and practice within a post-structuralist theoretical framework and deploys discourse analysis primarily based on the work of Michel Foucault. It makes visible the official youth crime prevention and GYDP policy discourses and identifies how official discourses relating to youth crime prevention, young people and their offending behaviour, are drawn upon, negotiated, rejected or re-contextualised by project workers and JLOs. It also lays bare how project workers and JLOs draw upon a variety of other discourses, resulting in multi-layered, complex and sometimes contradictory constructions of young people, their offending behaviour and corresponding interventions. At a time when the projects are undergoing significant changes in terms of their repositioning to operate as the support infrastructure underpinning the statutory Garda Youth Diversion Programme, the thesis traces the discursive shifts and the implications for practice that are occurring as the projects move away from a youth work orientation towards a youth justice orientation. A key contribution of this thesis is the insight it provides into how young people and their families are being constituted in individualising and sometimes pathologising ways in GYDP discourses and practices. It reveals the part played by the GYDP intervention in favouring individual and narrow familial causes of offending behaviour while broader societal contexts are sidelined. By explicating the very assumptions upon which contemporary youth crime prevention policy, as well as GYDP policy and practice are based, this thesis offers a counterpoint to the prevailing evidence-based agenda of much research in the field of Irish youth justice theory and youth studies more generally. Rather, it encourages the reader to take a step back and examine some of the most fundamental and unquestioned assumptions about the construction of young people, their offending behaviour and ways of addressing this, in contemporary Irish youth crime prevention policy and practice.

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This dissertation sets out to provide immanent critique and deconstruction of ecological modernisation or ecomodernism.It does so, from a critical social theory approach, in order to correctly address the essential issues at the heart of the environmental crisis that ecomodernism purports to address. This critical approach argues that the solution to the environmental crisis can only be concretely achieved by recognising its root cause as being foremost the issue of material interaction between classes in society, and not simply between society and nature in any structurally meaningful way. Based on a metaphysic of false dualism, ecological modernisation attributes a materiality of exchange value relations to issues of society, while simultaneously offering a non- material ontology to issues of nature. Thus ecomodernism serves asymmetrical relations of power whereby, as a polysemic policy discourse, it serves the material interests of those who have the power to impose abstract interpretations on the materiality of actual phenomena. The research of this dissertation is conducted by the critical evaluation of the empirical data from two exemplary Irish case studies. Discovery of the causal processes of the various public issues in the case studies and thereafter the revelation of the meaning structures under- pinning such causal processes, is a theoretically- driven task requiring analysis of those social practices found in the cognitive, cultural and structural constitutions respectively of actors, mediations and systems.Therefore, the imminent critique of the case study paradigms serves as a research strategy for comprehending Ireland’s nature- society relations as influenced essentially by a systems (techno- corporatist) ecomodernist discourse. Moreover, the deconstruction of this systems ideological discourse serves not only to demonstrate how weak ecomodernism practically undermines its declared ecological objectives, but also indicates how such objectives intervene as systemic contradictions at the cultural heart of Ireland’s late modernisation.

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This paper advances knowledge of how civil society organisations (CSOs) negotiate the shift from boom-time public expenditure to governmental austerity. The study focuses on the Republic of Ireland, where CSOs occupied an important role in providing a voice for ‘vulnerable’citizens in corporatism for over a decade. The global financial crisis and subsequent austerity measures caused the country’s model of corporatist-style ‘social partnership’ to collapse. The article connects CSOs’ adaptation to austerity measures when protecting the ‘people behind the cuts’ to broader questions about co-optation of civil society through state-led policymaking
institutions.

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The idea that people matter in modern democracies, often referred to as 'civic engagement' is recognised at the highest international level (United Nations 2008: 9). Civic or community engagement is essential to how budgets are decided, policy is developed and public services delivered. Significantly, community engagement is crucial in developing policy for sustained economic and social development. In Ireland the idea of the Developmental Welfare State (DWS) is based on the premise that the social policy system should support citizens so as to reach their full potential. Such a system comprises three overlapping elements: tax and welfare transfer, the provision of services and activist initiatives (National Economic and Social Council, 2005: ix-xviii). Civil Society Organisations have been challenged to 'operationalise the DWS' using a 'life cycle framework' as part of Ireland's corporatist partnership model (Department of Taoiseach, 2006: 40).

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This case study deals with the role of time series analysis in sociology, and its relationship with the wider literature and methodology of comparative case study research. Time series analysis is now well-represented in top-ranked sociology journals, often in the form of ‘pooled time series’ research designs. These studies typically pool multiple countries together into a pooled time series cross-section panel, in order to provide a larger sample for more robust and comprehensive analysis. This approach is well suited to exploring trans-national phenomena, and for elaborating useful macro-level theories specific to social structures, national policies, and long-term historical processes. It is less suited however, to understanding how these global social processes work in different countries. As such, the complexities of individual countries - which often display very different or contradictory dynamics than those suggested in pooled studies – are subsumed. Meanwhile, a robust literature on comparative case-based methods exists in the social sciences, where researchers focus on differences between cases, and the complex ways in which they co-evolve or diverge over time. A good example of this is the inequality literature, where although panel studies suggest a general trend of rising inequality driven by the weakening power of labour, marketisation of welfare, and the rising power of capital, some countries have still managed to remain resilient. This case study takes a closer look at what can be learned by applying the insights of case-based comparative research to the method of time series analysis. Taking international income inequality as its point of departure, it argues that we have much to learn about the viability of different combinations of policy options by examining how they work in different countries over time. By taking representative cases from different welfare systems (liberal, social democratic, corporatist, or antipodean), we can better sharpen our theories of how policies can be more specifically engineered to offset rising inequality. This involves a fundamental realignment of the strategy of time series analysis, grounding it instead in a qualitative appreciation of the historical context of cases, as a basis for comparing effects between different countries.

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Esta tese analisa a preocupação do Conselho Federal de Contabilidade (CFC) com a formação do profissional e com a educação contábil ao longo da sua história, mas também explora o seu panorama atual, principalmente no que se refere à utilização do exame de suficiência como ferramenta de fiscalização preventiva dos profissionais e os fatores explicativos da taxa de aprovação. Para responder a este objetivo geral, a tese desenvolve-se em dois estudos complementares. No primeiro, estuda a criação do CFC e o processo de regulamentação da profissão, usando uma perspectiva interpretativa, fundamentada na sociologia das profissões, com base em dados documentais e gravações recolhidas no arquivo do Conselho. Daí conclui-se que o Sistema CFC/CRCs foi criado em consequência do forte desejo dos profissionais atuantes na área, do surgimento simultâneo do bacharelado em Ciências Contábeis no Brasil e da intervenção do governo corporativista de Getúlio Vargas num contexto de desenvolvimento econômico. O projeto profissional que surgiu nesta ocasião viria “acomodar” todos os rivais, o que fez com que o nível de homogeneização dos membros fosse mínimo, já que incluía aqueles que só tinham experiência prática e uma grande percentagem com diploma do ensino médio. A evidência empírica recolhida permite concluir que a manutenção desta categoria, por um tão longo período, acabou por desprestigiar a profissão. Apenas recentemente, no contexto da adoção das Normas Internacionais de Contabilidade (IFRS, na sigla em inglês), a profissão haveria de obter o credenciamento ao nível universitário. A esta altura, o CFC ganhou não só o direito ao credenciamento a nível universitário, como também o de selecionar os melhores candidatos através de um exame. Apesar dessa evolução positiva, a preocupação deste organismo profissional com a formação dos seus membros continua a ser grande, em função do baixo progresso da “base cognitiva” da profissão, observando-se um número reduzido de mestres e doutores em Contabilidade no Brasil, embora tenha havido, nos últimos anos, uma proliferação de Instituições de Educação Superior (IES) e de cursos de Ciências Contábeis que não foi acompanhada de uma evolução qualitativa.Na segunda parte da tese, desenvolve-se um estudo quantitativo de índole positivista, para tentar explicar as razões dos maus resultados no Exame do CFC. Usando dados recolhidos no Conselho Federal de Contabilidade, os resultados da pesquisa revelam que a taxa de aprovação nas edições do Exame de Suficiência não difere, significativamente, entre as regiões e estados do Brasil, sendo cada vez mais baixo ao longo dos anos. Apesar de uma análise de correlações demonstrar que a formação ao nível da pós-graduação dos docentes estar correlacionada positivamente com a taxa de aprovação no Exame do CFC, numa análise abrangente essas variáveis perderam força, devido, talvez, ao fato de estarem incorporadas em outras variáveis que se mostraram significativas, como o Índice Geral de Cursos e o Conceito de Curso. Além dessas variáveis que se revelaram positivamente relacionadas com a taxa de aprovação, também os resultados do exame Enade, o gênero e a idade se mostraram significativos. O baixo resultado do Enade é particularmente importante, já que reforça as preocupações do CFC sobre a proliferação de IES e de cursos, e o baixo desempenho que algumas IES apresentam, nomeadamente, por possuírem um nível reduzido de mestres e de doutores e, por outro lado, um número elevado de professores “horistas” e um investimento em pesquisa muito baixo.