L'effectivité des Conventions anti-corruption internationales : vers une Cour pénale internationale en criminalité économique pour punir le vol d'Etat

This doctoral thesis proposes an International Criminal Court Specialized in Economic Crime (ICC/EC) as a solution to the main obstacles to the effectiveness of international anti-corruption conventions studied. In fact, the dispute settlement systems of the international anti-corruption Conventions do not provide sufficient guarantees of effectiveness, and offenses and crimes of corruption are not under the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court (ICC) derived from the Rome Statute of 2000. In a first part, this work analyzes seven international anti-corruption Conventions adopted between 1996 and 2003, respectively, by the Organization of American States (OAS), the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), the European Union (EU), the Council of Europe (CoE), the African Union (AU) and the United Nations (UN). In a second part, this study highlights a deficit of rationalization and optimization of offenses included in the conventions: an incomplete criminalization of legal persons for corruption, an equally insufficient criminalization for corruption of political leaders benefiting both from criminal and civil immunities, as well as the limited outcome of international asset recovery de-rived from corruption. Finally, given the previous analysis made, this thesis concludes with a pro-posal for an independent ICC/EC specific to economic crimes in order to overcome the major obstacles highlighted and which strongly affect the effectiveness of the international anti-corruption conventions. - Cet ouvrage de thèse doctorale propose, comme solution principale aux obstacles à l'effectivité des Conventions anti-corruption internationales étudiées, une Cour Pénale Internationale Spécialisée en Criminalité Economique (CPI/CE). En effet, les systèmes de règlement des différends des Conven¬tions anti-corruption internationales n'offrent pas suffisamment de gage d'effectivité et les délits et crimes de corruption transnationale ne sont pas de la compétence de la Cour Pénale Internationale (CPI) issue du statut de Rome de 2000. Dans un premier temps, le présent ouvrage analyse sept Conventions anti-corruption internationales adoptées entre 1996 et 2003, respectivement, par l'Organisation des Etats Américains (OEA), l'Organisation de Coopération et de Développement Economiques (OCDE), l'Union européenne (UE), le Conseil de l'Europe (CoE), l'Union Africaine (UA) et l'Organisation des Nations Unies (ONU). Dans un deuxième temps, l'ouvrage met en lumière un déficit de rationalisation et d'optimisation des incriminations que contiennent les Conventions, dont notamment : une incrimination lacunaire des personnes morales pour corruption, une incrimination tout aussi insuffisante pour corruption des dirigeants politiques au bénéfice d'immunités pénale et civile et une restitu¬tion internationale des avoirs issus de la corruption à portée limitée. Finalement, c'est au vu de l'analyse effectuée que le présent ouvrage conclut avec la proposition d'une CPI/CE indépendante et spécifique aux crimes économiques afin de pallier au mieux les obstacles majeurs mis en exergue et qui nuisent fortement à l'effectivité des Conventions anti-corruption internationales.

Mapping evidence gaps in anti-corruption: assessing the state of the operationally relevant evidence on donors' actions and approaches to reducing corruption

This paper charts the current evidence on effectiveness of different anti-corruption reforms, and identifies significant evidence gaps. Despite a substantial amount of literature on corruption, this review found very few studies focusing on anti-corruption reforms, and even fewer that credibly assess issues of effectiveness and impact. The evidence was strong for only two types of interventions: public financial management (PFM) reforms and supreme audit institutions (SAIs). For PFM, the evidence in general showed positive results, whereas the effectiveness was mixed for SAIs. No strong evidence indicates that any of the interventions pursued have been ineffective, but there is fair evidence that anti-corruption authorities, civil service reforms and the use of corruption conditionality in aid allocation decisions in general have not been effective. The paper advocates more operationally-relevant research and rigorous evaluations to build up the missing evidence base, particularly in conflict-afflicted states, in regards to the private sector, and on the interactions and interdependencies between different anti-corruption interventions.

Cultural Specific Training in Corruption Reporting for Pacific Island Journalists

Notes that very few journalists have formal training in corruption reporting. Discusses workshops held in 2000 and 2001 on the subject of corruption reporting for Pacific Island journalists. Explains the role of the media as an anti-corruption mechanism and the difficulty journalists face in identifying and sometimes stamping out corruption. Looks at the programs adopted and explains the responses of journalists.

PACOTE ANTI-CORRUPÇÃO DE DILMA?

Olhemos para uma folha de São Paulo no meio do trânsito caótico e dos milhares de arranha-céus, enquanto passam centenas de buzinantes motoqueiros suicidas a uma velocidade estonteante… Depois de milhões de pessoas se terem manifestado no Brasil por causa de megas-processos de corrupção que têm sido descobertos, entre os quais o Petrolão, no qual as investigações apontam que a propina (suborno) foi o triplo do caso Mensalão, eis que a Presidenta Dilma avança para um pacote anti-corrupção. A operação Lava Jato já fala em milhares de milhões de reais. Mas, importante, é que apenas uma medida tem efeitos de aplicação imediata! São 7 as medidas. § Let us look for a Folha de Sao Paulo in the middle of chaotic traffic and thousands of skyscrapers, as they pass hundreds of suicide motorcycle at breakneck speed ... After millions of people have expressed in Brazil because of corruption mega-processes that have been discovered, including the Petrolão in which investigations indicate that the bribe (bribery) was triple the Mensalão case, behold, the President Dilma advances to an anti-corruption package. Operation Lava Jet is already talking about billions of reais. But, importantly, it is that only a measure takes effect immediately applicable! There are 7 steps.

The relevancy and effectiveness of the United Nations Convention Against Corruption

La Convention des Nations Unies contre la corruption, adoptée en 2003, est le premier outil international criminalisant la corruption de façon aussi détaillée. Ce mémoire tente d'évaluer sa portée en analysant les dispositions concernant la prévention, la criminalisation, la coopération internationale et le recouvrement d'avoirs. Il tente d’évaluer la pertinence et l'efficacité de la Convention en illustrant ses défis en matière de conformité, pour ensuite étudier d'autres outils internationaux existants qui lui font compétition. Malgré sa portée élargie, il est débattu que la Convention souffre de lacunes non négligeables qui pourraient restreindre son impact à l'égard de la conduite d'États Membres.

L’Office des Nations Unies contre la drogue et le crime et la lutte internationale contre la corruption : perceptions des professionnels

Travail dirigé présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures et postdoctorales en vue de l’obtention du grade de Maître ès sciences (M.Sc) en Criminologie – Option sécurité intérieure

Les paradoxes de la lutte contre la corruption en Afrique : cas du Bénin et du Rwanda

Le régime politique démocratique est souvent plébiscité dans le discours général reproduit par les institutions internationales et assumé par les principaux acteurs politiques dans le monde, comme étant l’arme par excellence pour l’éradication de la corruption et une bonne gouvernance. L’analyse de deux pays africains le Bénin et le Rwanda, semble toutefois indiquer que c’est le pays avec le système le moins démocratique, à savoir le Rwanda qui réussit le mieux le pari de la lutte contre la corruption. Contre toute attente en effet, le Rwanda malgré l’autoritarisme souvent décrié de son gouvernement surclasse le Bénin, souvent applaudi pour la réussite de sa transition démocratique, en matière de lutte contre la corruption. Cette tendance est confirmée par la plupart des indicateurs de la corruption. Ce constat vient remettre en question les postulats de départ, et nous oblige alors à nous interroger sur les sources de la performance du Rwanda. Le présent mémoire vient justement démontrer que la relation entre la nature du régime politique et l’efficacité de la lutte contre la corruption est loin d’être automatique. Les règles du jeu politique à l’intérieur du régime ainsi que la qualité des institutions de lutte contre la corruption mises en place peuvent avoir une influence majeure sur le succès ou l’échec des mesures de lutte contre la corruption.

Reelection incentives and political corruption : evidence from Brazil’s municipal audit reports

This paper uses a unique dataset of political corruption, constructed from municipal audit reports obtained from Brazil’s randomized anti-corruption program, to test whether reelection incentives affect the level of rent extraction of incumbent politicians. In order to identify reelection incentives, we use the existence of a term limit in Brazil’s municipal elections. We find that in municipalities where mayors are in their second and final term, there is significantly more corruption compared to similar municipalities where mayors are in their first-term. In particular, in municipalities with second-term mayors there is, on average, R$188,431 more diversion of resources and the incidence of irregularities is 23% higher. We also find more pronounced effects where the costs of rent-extraction are lower (municipalities without media and judicial presence), and the density of pivotal voters is higher (more political competition). Finally, we show that first-term mayors, while less corrupt, have a larger incidence of poor administration suggesting that there may exist a trade-off between corruption and quality in public good provision.

Fighting corruption with pyramids: A Law and Economics approach to combating corruption in post-socialist countries

Corruption is, in the last two decades, considered as one of the biggest problems within the international community, which harms not only a particular state or society but the whole world. The discussion on corruption in law and economics approach is mainly run under the veil of Public choice theory and principal-agent model. Based on this approach the strong international initiatives taken by the UN, the OECD and the Council of Europe, provided various measures and tools in order to support and guide countries in their combat against corruption. These anti-corruption policies created a repression -prevention-transparency model for corruption combat. Applying this model, countries around the world adopted anti-corruption strategies as part of their legal rules. Nevertheless, the recent researches on the effects of this move show non impressive results. Critics argue that “one size does not fit all” because the institutional setting of countries around the world varies. Among the countries which experience problems of corruption, even though they follow the dominant anti-corruption trends, are transitional, post-socialist countries. To this group belong the countries which are emerging from centrally planned to an open market economy. The socialist past left traces on institutional setting, mentality of the individuals and their interrelation, particularly in the domain of public administration. If the idiosyncrasy of these countries is taken into account the suggestion in this thesis is that in public administration in post-socialist countries, instead of dominant anti-corruption scheme repression-prevention-transparency, corruption combat should be improved through the implementation of a new one, structure-conduct-performance. The implementation of this model is based on three regulatory pyramids: anti-corruption, disciplinary anti-corruption and criminal anti-corruption pyramid. This approach asks public administration itself to engage in corruption combat, leaving criminal justice system as the ultimate weapon, used only for the very harmful misdeeds.

Political corruption in the Caribbean Basin: A comparative analysis of Jamaica and Costa Rica

Political corruption in the Caribbean Basin retards state economic growth and development, undermines government legitimacy, and threatens state security. In spite of recent anti-corruption efforts of intergovernmental and nongovernmental organizations (IGO/NGOs), Caribbean political corruption problems appear to be worsening in the post-Cold War period. This dissertation discovers why IGO/NGO efforts to arrest corruption are failing by investigating the domestic and international causes of political corruption in the Caribbean. The dissertation's theoretical framework centers on an interdisciplinary model of the causes of political corruption built within the rule-oriented constructivist approach to social science. The model first employs a rational choice analysis that broadly explains the varying levels of political corruption found across the region. The constructivist theory of social rules is then used to develop the structural mechanisms that further explain the region's levels of political corruption. The dissertation advances its theory of the causes of political corruption through qualitative disciplined-configurative case studies of political corruption in Jamaica and Costa Rica. The dissertation finds that IGO/NGO sponsored anti-corruption programs are failing because they employ only technical measures (issuing anti-corruption laws and regulations, providing transparency in accounting procedures, improving freedom of the press, establishing electoral reforms, etc.). While these IGO/NGO technical measures are necessary, they are not sufficient to arrest the Caribbean's political corruption problems. This dissertation concludes that to be successful, IGO/NGO anti-corruption programs must also include social measures, e.g., building civil societies and modernizing political cultures, for there to be any hope of lowering political corruption levels and improving Caribbean social conditions. The dissertation also highlights the key role of Caribbean governing elite in constructing the political and economic structures that cause their states' political corruption problems. ^

Rigidez ou flexibilidade governamental? Discursos anti-corrupção e pró-eficiência sobre contratações com orçamento sigilogo

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Ciência Política, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciência Política, 2016.

Responsabilidade Criminal por Dinheiros Públicos, Branqueamento de Capitais/Lavagem de Dinheiro e Direitos Sociais

Em termos de dinheiros públicos, devemos ter em consideração a necessidade de ter que existir uma boa governança. É importante a participação. Também a transparência. E se os direitos e deveres sociais fundamentais estão interligados, não é menos verdade que é preciso a apresentação de boas contas à população. E aqui temos que falar também em plena responsabilidade pública. Num sentido lato, podemos falar num princípio geral de anticorrupção. O mau uso dos dinheiros públicos pode conduzir à responsabilidade de índole criminal. O crime de branqueamento/lavagem, um crime secundário, pode ter por origem ilícitos e/ou crimes que se relacionam com a utilização indevida de dinheiros públicos. A responsabilidade financeira e criminal pode aliás constituir um incremento na boa gestão dos dinheiros públicos. Deste modo – não tendo o direito penal finalidades de promoção ou de “combate”, mas ainda assim retributivos, preventivos gerais e especiais positivos e restaurativos -, podemos estar a caminhar para uma melhor concretização dos direitos, e dos deveres, que são garantidos do ponto de vista constitucional-constitucional. Afinal, todas as áreas do direito, são peças do mesmo jogo de xadrez. O Tribunal Constitucional em Portugal, o Supremo Tribunal Federal no Brasil, o Supremo Tribunal de Justiça em Portugal, o Superior Tribunal de Justiça no Brasil, os Tribunais de Contas em ambos os países. § In terms of public money, we should take into account the need to have to be good governance. It is important to participate. Also transparency. And if fundamental rights and social duties are interrelated, it is also true that we need to present good accounts to the population. And here we must also speak in full public accountability. In a broad sense, we can speak of a general principle of anti-corruption. The misuse of public funds can lead to criminal nature of responsibility. The crime of money laundering, a secondary crime, may have as illicit origin and / or crimes that relate to the misuse of public funds. The financial and criminal liability may in fact be an increase in the sound management of public funds. Thus - not having the criminal law purposes of promotion or "combat", but still remunerative, general and special preventive and restorative positive - we may be heading for a better realization of the rights, and duties, which are guaranteed the constitutional-constitutional point of view. After all, all areas of the law are parts of the same game of chess. The Constitutional Court in Portugal, the Supreme Court in Brazil, the Supreme Court in Portugal, the Superior Court of Justice in Brazil, the Audit Courts in both countries.

Corruptos Submarinos: Portugal Envergonhado

Recordar é viver. O famoso caso de corrupção internacional ligado à compra e venda de submarinos pelo Estado português – e que ainda não está resolvido na sua totalidade, nomeadamente por cá – constitui um facto repugnante da história contemporânea da anti-corrupção, e da ética, também lusa que envergonha em profundidade Portugal a nível nacional, mas sobretudo internacional. E envergonha, quer o poder legislativo, quer o poder judicial, quer o poder executivo. Em Portugal, mas também na Alemanha, pois nem toda a informação criminal chegou às autoridades portuguesas como foi noticiado pelos próprios procuradores. § Remember is living. The famous case of international corruption linked to the purchase and sale of submarines by the Portuguese State - and that is still not resolved in its entirety, especially around here - is a disgusting fact of contemporary history of anti-corruption and ethics, also Portuguese who shames Portugal in depth at national level, but above all international. And shame either the legislature or the judiciary or the executive. In Portugal, but also in Germany, as not all criminal information came from the Portuguese authorities was as reported by their own attorneys.

Relatório de estágio no departamento central de investigação e acção penal

The means of obtaining evidence, the amount of evidence obtained, the number of defendants related to each criminal case and the gravity of the crimes for which the magistrates of the Department are holders of penal action, define its real importance to the Rule of Law. I have deeply studied the subject of the institution of hierarchical intervention required by the assistant and the application of an opening statement by the defendant, starting from a hypothetical case, provided when the query of an investigation with the subject of the crime of active corruption, where this institution was called as a reaction to the archiving dispatch delivered by the Public Ministry. I have study about the implementation of the institution of provisional suspension of the process, specifically in the scope of fiscal criminality, analyzing the effective satisfaction of the purposes of the sentences in two slopes: general prevention and special prevention. I went for my first time to a Central Court of Criminal Instruction, where I attended the measures of inquiry and instructive debate of a process that culminated with the prosecution and pronunciation of the defendants. In addition to this criminal experience, I have deepened and consolidated the academic knowledge with the study of various criminal cases from various fields in the scope of criminality investigated by the Department. I could therefore check the basis of procedural delays, regarding to our legal system, especially in this type of crime, raising issues that I analyzed and discussed, always in a critical and academic way. I had the opportunity to attend and witness a seminar in the Lisbon Directorate of Finance as well of entering the Centre for Judicial Studies to attend a conference on the International Anti-Corruption Day. Focus on the investigatory importance of the international judicial cooperation, through the various organs, with special interest to EUROJUST. I comprehended the organization and functioning of these communitarian organs and means of communication of procedural acts, in particular, the rogatory letters and european arrest warrants. This involvement is motivated by the moratorium factor of the investigations where rogatory letters are necessary for the acquisition of evidence or information relevant to the good continuation of the process. For this reason the judicial cooperation through the relevant communitarian organs, translates a streamlined response between the competent judicial authorities of the Member States, through the National Member that integrates EUROJUST. This report aims to highlight some of the difficulties and procedural issues that Public Prosecutors of DCIAP and criminal police bodies that assist them, face in combating violent and organized crime, of national and transnational nature, of particular complexity, according to the specifics of criminal types.

Le contrôle politique de l'agence anticorruption malaisienne

L'enjeu des politiques anticorruption occupe une grande partie du discours politique en Malaisie. Après des événements tels que la crise financière de 1997, ou encore l'affaire Anwar en 1998, les politiques anticorruption ont été catapultées au sein du débat politique, dans lequel elles sont constamment observées, scrutées et critiquées. Ce mémoire étudie ces politiques à travers l'analyse du contrôle politique, notamment en ce qui concerne leur autonomie et leur indépendance bureaucratique. En se concentrant plus précisément sur le cas de l'agence anticorruption, notre mémoire offre un regard sur la nouvelle agence indépendante qui a récemment vu le jour en 2009, ainsi que celle qui la précède. Cette étude démontre que la nature du contrôle politique exercé a entravé et ralentit la mise en œuvre des politiques anticorruption.