993 resultados para administrative capacity


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Article 197 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union stipulates that effective implementation of Union law by the Member States shall be regarded as a matter of common interest. This article considers how Member States may improve their administrative capacity to apply EU law effectively. A law or policy is effectively implemented when it can be confirmed that its objectives, targets or results are actually achieved. It is proposed that effective implementation in the EU is a ‘collaborative project’. This is not only because Member States benefit when others correctly implement common rules, but also because they learn from the experiences of other Member States. It follows that the public authorities responsible for implementation of EU law need to benchmark their performance against that of their peers in other Member States and therefore need to develop the institutional capacity for assessing and adjusting their own performance.

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A key requirement of the countries of central and eastern Europe (CEECs) that wish to join the EU is that they develop the administrative capacity to implement effectively the acquis communautaire. The 'twinning' programme is designed to assist in this process. Drawing on experiences in Romania, and linking these to debates on Europeanization, this article argues that the success of twinning to date is related to the design of the programme, institutional fluidity and politicization within central administration, the individual agency and the reform commitment of those hosting twinning projects.

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Conventional understandings of what the Westminster model implies anticipate reliance on a top-down, hierarchical approach to budgetary accountability, reinforced by a post–New Public Management emphasis on recentralizing administrative capacity. This article, based on a comparative analysis of the experiences of Britain and Ireland, argues that the Westminster model of bureaucratic control and oversight itself has been evolving, hastened in large part due to the global financial crisis. Governments have gained stronger controls over the structures and practices of agencies, but agencies are also key players in securing better governance outcomes. The implication is that the crisis has not seen a return to the archetypal command-and-control model, nor a wholly new implementation of negotiated European-type practices, but rather a new accountability balance between elements of the Westminster system itself that have not previously been well understood.

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El Sistema de Desarrollo Administrativo y sus alcances en la actual Ley de Administración Pública. Antes de la Ley 489 de 1998 las entidades de la Administración Pública no trabajaban en forma coordinada y la colaboración interinstitucional era deficiente, lo cual se ha corregido con la entrada en vigencia de la citada norma. Con la aplicación del Sistema de Desarrollo Administrativo creado por la Ley 489 de 1998, las entidades de la Administración Pública del Orden Nacional y Territorial, deben aplicar un conjunto de políticas, estrategias, metodologías, técnicas y mecanismos de carácter administrativo y organizacional para la gestión y manejo de sus recursos humanos, técnicos, materiales, físicos y financieros, tendientes a fortalecer su capacidad administrativa y su desempeño institucional. Las Políticas de Desarrollo Administrativo fueron plasmadas en el artículo 17 de la Ley 489 de 1998 y reagrupadas por el Decreto 3622 de 2005, en cinco ítems para su mejor comprensión y aplicación: 1) Política de Desarrollo del Talento Humano Estatal. 2) Política de Gestión de la Calidad 3) Política de Democratización de la Administración Pública. 4) Política de Moralización y Transparencia de la Administración Pública y 5) Política de Rediseños Organizacionales. Las anteriores políticas junto con el Plan Nacional de Formación y Capacitación constituyen los Fundamentos del Sistema de Desarrollo Administrativo de que trata el artículo 16 de la Ley 489 de 1998, las cuales se aplican actualmente en los 19 Sectores Administrativos de la Rama Ejecutiva del Orden Nacional. En el Orden Territorial la aplicación del Sistema de Desarrollo Administrativo ha sido parcial y los resultados aún no están consolidados. Nuestra investigación pretende que con el conocimiento claro del tema, a través de una adecuada planificación de los recursos de las entidades públicas, orientado a fortalecer la capacidad administrativa y el desempeño institucional de las entidades públicas, se administre mejor el Estado.

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The Brazilian tax structure has specific characteristics and the performance level of government. The autonomy given to municipalities to manage their activities after the 1988 Constitution, made them highly dependent on intergovernmental transfers of resources, revealing the fragility of the administrative capacity of these entities. The vertical gap revealed by the constitutional structure of the Brazilian fiscal federalism model contributes to the formation of this specific feature that you are eroding the tax base and the ability of municipal own revenues. Although there was a better regulation of these transfers after the enactment of the Fiscal Responsibility Law, it is observed that the amount of resources transferred to the municipalities of Rio Grande do Norte is very high and is the main source of revenue of municipalities. In light of the theory of federalism and fiscal decentralization, in particular, the theories related to intergovernmental transfers, we seek to diagnose the transfers from the systematization of information on the origin, destination and value. We used the econometric model of System Dynamic Panel GMM in making the diagnosis and verification of the impact of transfers on public finances of the municipalities of the newborn, associated with a review in light of the theory of fiscal federalism and intergovernmental transfers. The paper presents some proposals for the transfer system and the composition of spending in order to contribute to greater tax efficiency

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The future of Europe 2020 lies in its ability to become the protagonist of a new season in EU policy, in which countries can apply for more flexibility only if they can prove both structural reform and good governance, argues the author. By establishing a ‘new deal’ among member states, an improved Europe 2020 strategy can help Europe to complete its transition from austerity to prosperity. This Policy Brief makes the case for approaching the mid-term review of Europe 2020 on three different levels: i) the revision and update of the content of the Europe 2020 strategy, including its objectives, targets and major flagship initiatives; ii) the reform of the governance of the strategy; and iii) the repositioning of the strategy at the core of EU policy. The content of the strategy should be revised to include initiatives on infrastructure, the internal market and administrative capacity at all levels of government. The author sets out a number of policy recommendations for the European Commission and the member states to help realise these objectives.

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Introduction. Iceland’s domestic politics and foreign affairs are undergoing drastic changes. After an economic crash, violent protests on the streets of Reykjavik for the first time in Iceland’s history contributed to the defeat of the government. The party system has been altered. A turn has been taken towards Europe after the United States left the island, first by closing its military base in 2006 and then by its clear stance not to assist the country in its economic difficulties. The former close relations with the superpower are unlikely ever to be restored. The EU membership application is placing severe constraints on political parties which are split on the issue and has put in jeopardy the unity of the first left majority in the Icelandic parliament, the Althingi. Society is in a state of flux after an unprecedented economic downscaling and the collapse of almost its entire financial sector – which had boomed rapidly beginning in the mid-1990s. The credibility of politicians, the parliament and the media is in ruins. Iceland’s smallness and its location on the geographical map – one could also say the geopolitical map – has had a profound influence on its domestic and foreign affairs. Iceland is closely associated with the other Nordic states and has adopted many of their domestic characteristics, with important exceptions. On the other hand, the country has come under American influence – geographically, it straddles the Mid-Atlantic rift – and has limited its participation in the European project. Its geographical location in the middle of the North Atlantic has led to a notion that the country’s culture is unique and should be protected by all available means. Politicians continue to play the ‘nationalistic uniqueness’ card with considerable success even though the country has been swept by globalization. Rapid modernization (which only really began in the Second World War with British and American occupations) and sudden engagement with the outside world (which only extended to the general public in the last quarter of the twentieth century) are still slowly but steadily making their mark on the country’s foreign policy. The country’s political discourse and foreign policy still bear the hallmark of the past, i.e. of a small and insular society This paper will address the political developments in Iceland since the 2008 economic crash and place it in a historical context. The aim is to understand Iceland’s present foreign policy and, in particular, the highly contested decision by its government in 2009 to apply for membership of the European Union. The paper is divided into five sections in addition to this introduction and the concluding remarks. First, it starts by explaining the importance in Iceland of a political discourse based on the concept of independence which dates back to the historical narrative of the settlement period. This section will also examine Iceland’s close relations with the other Nordic states – despite important differences between it and the others. Second, the paper will analyse the importance of the party system, i.e. the dominance of the centre-right in Icelandic politics, and the changed nature of the system. Third, it examines how Iceland further distinguishes itself from the other Nordic states in many important features. Fourthly, the paper analyses the country’s three main foreign policy priorities in the post-war period, i.e. extensions of the Exclusive Economic Zone, firm defence arrangements with the US and membership of NATO, and the drive for better market access for marine products – including a partial engagement in the European project. Fifthly, the paper examines how the country’s smallness, in terms of its central administrative capacity, has affected its domestic and foreign policy-making. The concluding section summarizes the main findings concerning the political and historical obstacles that the Social Democratic Alliance faces in its hard-fought battle to change the country’s European Policy.

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Greece has an imperfect track-record of structural reform implementation. However, the poor growth outcome of the Greek programmes is also a consequence of the timing and composition of reforms, which were not optimally geared towards a speedy transition to a new growth model based on the private sector. While the main responsibility for this lies with the Greek authorities, international institutions share the responsibility for the poor growth-enhancing effect of reforms. In the current context, further structural reform efforts should be mainly targeted at supporting Greece's speedy return to solid growth rates. This is not only because poverty and unemployment have reached very high levels, but also for political economy reasons: reforms must quickly be seen to be working in order to buttress the consensus in favour of reform. Further efforts should be made to improve Greece’s business environment and to liberalise product markets, in addition to shifting taxation away from labour and towards consumption. Reforms to improve the quality of institutions should continue and are very much needed in the Greek setting, while taking into account that their demanding implementation might use up administrative capacity and their impact on growth will only be seen over long time horizons.

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This article seeks to examine and assess the role of Poland in the early stages of the making of the Eastern Partnership of the European Union. First, it briefly reviews Poland's aims and ambitions with regard to the European Union's policy towards its eastern neighbours, both before and since it joined the European Union in 2004. Second, it describes and analyses the Eastern Partnership, including its added value for the European Neighbourhood Policy. Third, it draws on a range of interviews carried out by the authors in Brussels and Warsaw on Poland's role in the initial formation of the Eastern Partnership, as seen by its partners in the other member states and European institutions. In addition, it seeks to unpack some of the early stage lessons learnt by the Polish government about how best to achieve its ambitions in the European Union, and notes the remaining weaknesses of the Polish administration, particularly in the area of administrative capacity. © 2013 University of Glasgow.

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In the United States, the federal Empowerment Zone (EZ) program aimed to create and retain business investment in poor communities and to encourage local hiring through the use of special tax credits, relaxed regulations, social service grants, and other incentives. My dissertation explores whether the Round II Urban EZs had a beneficial impact on local communities and what factors influenced the implementation and performance of the EZs, using three modes of inquiry. First, linear regression models investigate whether the federal revitalization program had a statistically significant impact on the creation of new businesses and jobs in Round II Urban EZ communities. Second, location quotient and shift-share analysis are used to reveal the industry clusters in three EZ communities that experienced positive business and job growth. Third, qualitative analysis is employed to explore factors that influenced the implementation and performance of EZs in general, and in particular, Miami-Dade County, Florida. The results show an EZ's presence failed to have a significant influence on local business and job growth. In communities that experienced a beneficial impact from EZs, there has been a pattern of decline in manufacturing companies and increase in service-driven firms. The case study suggests that institutional factors, such as governance structure, leadership, administrative capacity, and community participation have affected the effectiveness of the program's implementation and performance.

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Since the 1980s, when the concept of innovation systems(IS) was first presented(Freeman, 2004), a large body of work has been done on IS. IS is a framework that consists of elements related to innovation activities, such as innovation actors,institutional environments, and the relationship between those elements (Lundvall,1992; Nelson, 1993). Studies on NIS/RIS aim to understand the structures and dynamics of IS (Lundvall, 1992; Nelson, 1993), mainly through case studies and comparative case studies(Archibugi, 1996; MacDowall, 1984; Mowery, 1998;Radosevic, 2000). Research on IS has extended from the national level (NIS) to the regional level (RIS) (Cooke, Uranga, & Etxebarria, 1997; Cooke, Uranga, & Etxebarria, 1998), and from developed economies to developing economies. RIS is vital, especially for a large and diverse countries(Edquist, 2004) like China. More recently, based on the literature of NIS, Furman, Porter and Scott (2002)introduced the framework of national innovation capacity (NIC), which employs a quantitative approach to understanding to what degree elements of NIS impact on innovation capacity. Regional innovation capacity (RIC) is the adaption of NIC at the regional level. Although regional level research is important there is limited work done on RIC and there is even less in transitional economies, which are different to developed countries. To better understand RIC in transitional countries this thesis conducted a study of 30 administrative regions in Mainland China between 1991 and 2005. To establish the key factors driving RIC in China the study explored the impact of three elements in the innovation system;(a) innovation actors, (b) innovation inputs, and (c)international and domestic innovation system interactions.

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Policy choices in response to crisis may carry consequences both for distributive outcomes and for the future policy capacity of the state itself. In this paper, we use conceptual heuristics to interpret policy practice. We examine the underlying policy paradigms shaping Irish government decisions in the aftermath of the European financial and economic crisis. We distinguish between two such paradigms- market-conforming and social equity - and apply them to three reform themes: reconfiguration of public budgets, the public service pay bargain, and the organizational profile of state competences. Our findings entail lessons for understanding the malleability of policy choice, and how state policy choices in response to crisis are framed and implemented.

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Background: In Honduras, research capacity strengthening (RCS) has not received sufficient attention, but an increase in research competencies would enable local scientists to advance knowledge and contribute to national priorities, including the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Objective: This project aimed at strengthening research capacity in infectious diseases in Honduras, focusing on the School of Microbiology of the National Autonomous University of Honduras (UNAH). The primary objective was the creation of a research-based graduate program for the continued training of researchers. Parallel objectives included institutional strengthening and the facilitation of partnerships and networks. Methods: Based on a multi-stakeholder consultation, an RCS workplan was designed and undertaken from 2007 to 2012. Due to unexpected adverse circumstances, the first 2 years were heavily dedicated to implementing the project's flagship, an MSc program in infectious and zoonotic diseases (MEIZ). In addition, infrastructure improvements and demand-driven continuing education opportunities were facilitated; biosafety and research ethics knowledge and practices were enhanced, and networks fostering collaborative work were created or expanded. Results: The project coincided with the peak of UNAH's radical administrative reform and an unprecedented constitutional crisis. Challenges notwithstanding, in September 2009, MEIZ admitted the first cohort of students, all of whom undertook MDG-related projects graduating successfully by 2012. Importantly, MEIZ has been helpful in expanding the School of Microbiology's traditional etiology-based, disciplinary model to infectious disease teaching and research. By fulfilling its objectives, the project contributed to a stronger research culture upholding safety and ethical values at the university. Conclusions: The resources and strategic vision afforded by the project enhanced UNAH's overall research capacity and its potential contribution to the MDGs. Furthermore, increased research activity and the ensuing improvement in performance indicators at the prime Honduran research institution invoke the need for a national research system in Honduras.

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Decentralization in Indonesia was introduced institutionally in 2001, with a democratization drive promoted by international donors and by the intention of the new government to clear away the centralistic image of Soeharto. Decentralization has had some effects on regional economies and on local government administration. Compared to the period before decentralization, the share of gross regional domestic product and local government finance has increased in Java, though investment and bank borrowing have expanded to the outer islands. In qualitative aspects, decentralization has transferred not only administrative authority but also many new vested interests from the center to regions. Local governments have become more extensive economic actors in regional economies. Regional economic actors now compete actively for such vested interests and have missed the opportunity to create market-friendly regional economies. The government sector should not be a mere rent-seeking economic actor, but should play a role as a facilitator promoting private sector activities in regional economies.