While the crisis proceeds: A world redistribution of economic power?

The crisis has drawn attention to the fact that not only emerging powers but other regions of the world as well may be offering different development models and may constitute into alternative, in some dimensions more positive agents, in the conduct of the present stage of globalisation. Notwithstanding, the traditional western powers have not lost a large amount of control of the world economy. And the crisis proceeds, reallocating world power as in a Hobbesian anarchy. It is difficult to foresee smooth developments in the near future. On the contrary, multilateralism seems to be losing ground to unilateral action or bilateral arrangements. More or less disguised currency wars may lead to serious disequilibria, and turf wars may become more frequent, with motives ranging from securing captive markets to control of specific commodities and energy goods, or targeted regulatory frameworks. As economic policy becomes even more involved with defence and security affairs, the feedbacks from each side to the other seem likely to keep dissent and animosity high, rather than contributing to peaceful and constructive approaches. A more trouble-prone world may be easily expected.

O planeamento civil de emergência no novo paradigma da segurança

Dissertação de Mestrado em Estratégia

La question de l'indépendance de l'Autriche pour la France et la Grande-Bretagne durant l'entre-deux-guerres

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Une comparaison entre l’utilisation des troupes africaines par la France et l’Allemagne pendant la Première Guerre mondiale

Pendant la Première Guerre mondiale, les puissances occidentales étaient obligées d’utiliser toutes leurs ressources afin de vaincre. Dans les colonies allemandes, les troupes coloniales, la Schutztruppe, la plupart étant des Africains noirs, avaient la responsabilité de défendre les colonies contre tout envahisseur. Pour sa part, la France craignait, depuis la fin de la guerre franco-allemande, l’écart démographique vis-à-vis de l’Allemagne. Elle a finalement pris la décision de renforcer ses troupes par des soldats africains, les Tirailleurs sénégalais étant les plus nombreux. Ce mémoire vise à analyser et à comparer le recrutement et le déploiement dans les deux cas, particulièrement l’idéologie qui soutenait ce recrutement, les relations entre Africains et Européens pendant la guerre, la contribution des Africains à l’effort de guerre, ainsi que les conséquences de la visibilité accrue des Africains dans la société européenne. En général, nous pouvons remarquer d’importantes ressemblances entre les deux cas, en particulier le fait que l’utilisation de troupes coloniales a eu pour fonction de justifier leurs politiques coloniales et de condamner celles de leur adversaire.

Les réseaux militaires comme acteurs des relations internationales : le cas du Multinational Interoperability Council

Depuis plus de cinquante ans, les puissances occidentales ont créé toutes sortes de réseaux militaires internationaux, afin de renforcer leurs liens et harmoniser leurs techniques, leurs équipements et leurs façons de faire. Jusqu’à ce jour, ces regroupements sont demeurés largement ignorés de la discipline des relations internationales. Or, la mondialisation des échanges et l’essor des technologies de l’information ont ouvert les processus politiques à de nouveaux acteurs, y compris en matière de sécurité, jetant un éclairage nouveau sur le rôle, la mission et les responsabilités que les États délèguent à ces réseaux. En menant une analyse approfondie d’un réseau militaire, le Multinational Interoperability Council, cette recherche a pour objectifs de définir les réseaux militaires internationaux en tant que catégorie d’analyse des relations internationales, de documenter empiriquement leur fonctionnement et de mieux comprendre leur rôle dans le champ de la sécurité internationale. Pour ce faire, la démarche propose de recourir à l’appareil conceptuel de l’institutionnalisme relationnel, de la théorie des champs et du tournant pratiques en relations internationales. Cette combinaison permet d’aborder les dimensions institutionnelle, cognitive et pratique de l’action collective au sein du réseau étudié. L’analyse nous apprend que, malgré une influence limitée, le MIC produit une identité, des capacités, des préférences et des effets qui lui sont propres. Les acteurs du MIC ont eux-mêmes généré certaines conditions de son institutionnalisation, et sont parvenus à faire du réseau, d’abord conçu comme une structure d’échanges d’informations, un acteur intentionnel du champ de la sécurité internationale. Le MIC ne peut agir de façon autonome, sans contrôle des États. Cependant, les relations établies entre les militaires qui y participent leur offrent des capacités – le capital social, politique et d’expertise – dont ils ne disposeraient pas autrement, et qu’ils peuvent mobiliser dans leurs interactions avec les autres acteurs du champ.

Caso Rushdie: uma análise da relação entre islamismo e direitos humanos

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

La semplificazione dell’'altro': la trasformazione della Palestina e dei suoi abitanti sotto l’influenza britannica, 1831-1922

Consequences of the Past: China's Rise to Superpower Status and its Impact on the United States

This paper investigates the impact of how the Chinese government will react to the West if China regains its superpower status. Using traditional research methods, this paper traced the cultural misunderstandings that initiated the confrontation with the West and the resulting humiliation China suffered for nearly 175 years by the Western powers. The findings of this paper show that China bitterly resents the treatment suffered during the Colonial period. Although certain factions in China wish to punish the West, this paper argues that the interconnected nature of the world's economy will force China to temper its feelings and build bridges with the West as it attains superpower status.

The Mirage of the State: Why the West has failed in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and Central African Republic? Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 14 No. 15, July 2014

The state still matters. However, the members of the Euro-Atlantic community may be misinterpreting this crucial baseline prior launching their military interventions since 2001. The latest violence and collapse of the state of Iraq after the invasion of Northern Iraq by a radical Sunni Muslim terrorist group, so-called Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), demonstrate once again the centrality and requirement of a functioning state in order to maintain violent forces to disrupt domestic and regional stability. Since 2001, the US and its European allies have waged wars against failed-states in order to increase this security and national interests, and then have been involved in some type of state-building.1 This has been the case in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali, and Central African Republic (CAR). France went into Mali (2012) and CAR (2013), which preceded two European Union military and civilian Common Security and Defense Policy missions (CSDP), in order to avoid the collapse of these two states. The threat of the collapse of both states was a concern for the members of the Euro-Atlantic community as it could have spread to the region and causing even greater instabilities. In Mali, the country was under radical Islamic pressures coming from the North after the collapse of Libya ensuing the 2011 Western intervention, while in CAR it was mainly an ethno-religious crisis. Failed states are a real concern, as they can rapidly become training grounds for radical groups and permitting all types of smuggling and trafficking.2 In Mali, France wanted to protect its large French population and avoid the fall of Mali in the hands of radical Islamic groups directly or indirectly linked to Al-Qaeda. A fallen Mali could have destabilized the region of the Sahel and ultimately affected the stability of Southern European borders. France wanted to avoid the development of a safe haven across the Sahel where movements of people and goods are uncontrolled and illegal.3 Since the end of the Cold War, Western powers have been involved in stabilizing neighborhoods and regions, like the Balkans, Africa, and Middle East, which at the exceptions of the Balkans, have led to failed policies. 9/11 changes everything. The US, under President George W. Bush, started to wage war against terrorism and all states link to it. This started a period of continuous Western interventions in this post-9/11 era in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and CAR. If history has demonstrated one thing, the members of the Euro-Atlantic community are struggling and will continue to struggle to stabilize Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and Central African Republic (CAR) for one simple reason: no clear endgame. Is it the creation of a state à la Westphalian in order to permit these states to operate as the sole guarantor of security? Or is the reestablishment of status quo in these countries permitting to exit and end Western operations? This article seeks to analyze Western interventions in these five countries in order to reflect on the concept of the state and the erroneous starting point for each intervention.4 In the first part, the political status of each country is analyzed in order to understand the internal and regional crisis. In a second time, the concept of the state, framed into the Buzanian trinity, is discussed and applied to the cases. In the last part the European and American civilian-military doctrines are examined in accordance with their latest military interventions and in their broader spectrum.

Dangerous brown men:exploiting sex, violence and feminism in the 'war on terror'

Why is the public presentation of the war on terror suffused with sexualised racism? What does this tell us about ideas of gender, sexuality, religious and political identity and the role of the state in the Western powers? Can we diffuse inter-ethnic conflicts and change the way the West pursues its security agenda by understanding the role of sexualised racism in the war on terror? In asking such questions, Gargi Bhattacharyya considers how the concepts of imperialism, feminism, terror and security can be applied, in order to build on the influential debates about the sexualised character of colonialism. She examines the way in which western imperial violence has been associated with the rhetoric of rights and democracy - a project of bombing for freedom that has called into question the validity of western conceptions of democracy, rights and feminism. Such rhetoric has given rise to actions that go beyond simply protecting western interests or securing access to scarce resources and appear to be beyond instrumental reason. The articulations of racism that appear with the war on terror are animated by fears and sexual fantasies inexplicable by rational interest alone. There can be no resolution to this seemingly endless conflict without understanding the highly sexualised racism that animates it. Such an understanding threatens to pierce the heart of imperial relations, revealing their intense contradictions and uncovering attempts to normalise violent expropriation.

At the dawn of Italo-Chinese modern relations: Ludovico Nocentini's experience

In 1904 Ludovico Nocentini described China as a hub of colonial and commercial development for European powers. Europe in the Far East and the Italian Interests in China was Nocentini’s last and most critical book, in which he compared the performance of the Italian government with that of other countries and showed Rome’s inefficiency overseas. The book expatiated on the “carving up” of China into spheres of influence by the Western powers, while examining how the Italian government’s scant regard for the definition and pursuit of the country’s national interest jeopardized not only the development of its colonial policy, but also its foreign trade and industrial progress.

America: or, A general survey of the political situation of the several powers of the western continent,

Mode of access: Internet.

Transmission and Transport of Energy in the Western U.S. and Canada: A Law and Policy Road Map

This collection of short essays arose from the inaugural meeting of the Idaho Symposium on Energy in the West, which was held in November, 2014. The topic for this first Symposium was Transmission and Transport of Energy in the Western U.S. and Canada: A Law and Policy Road Map. The essays in this collection provide a notable introduction to the major energy issues facing the West today. Topics include: building a resilient legal architecture for western energy production; natural gas flaring; transmission planning for wind energy; utilities and rooftop solar; special considerations for western states and the Clean Power Plan; the Clean Power Plan's implications for the western grid; siting renewable energy on public lands; and implications of utility reform in New York and Hawaii for the Northwest.

An Analysis on the Decline in the Authoritative Powers of the Papacy and its Application to Challenges to Authoritative Powers Faced By the Permanent Membership of the UN Security Council

The organizational authority of the Papacy in the Roman Catholic Church and the permanent membership of the UN Security Council are unique from institutions that are commonly compared with the UN, like the Concert of Europe and the League of Nations, in that these institutional organs possessed strong authoritative and veto powers. Both organs also owe their strong authority during their founding to a need for stability: The Papacy after the crippling of Western Roman Empire and the P-5 to deal with the insecurities of the post-WWII world. While the P-5 still possesses similar authoritative powers within the Council as it did after WWII, the historical authoritative powers of the Papacy within the Church was debilitated to such a degree that by the time of the Reformation in Europe, condemnations of practices within the Church itself were not effective. This paper will analyze major challenges to the authoritative powers of the Papacy, from the crowning of Charlemagne to the beginning of the Reformation, and compare the analysis to challenges affecting the authoritative powers of the P-5 since its creation. From research conducted thus far, I hypothesize that common themes affecting the authoritative powers of the P-5 and the Papacy would include: major changes in the institutions organization (i.e. the Avignon Papacy and Japan’s bid to become a permanent member); the decline in power of actors supporting the institutional organ (i.e. the Holy Roman Empire and the P-5 members); and ideological clashes affecting the institution’s normative power (i.e. the Great Western Schism and Cold War politics).

An Analysis on the Decline in the Authoritative Powers of the Papacy and its Application to Challenges to Authoritative Powers Faced By the Permanent Membership of the UN Security Council

The organizational authority of the Papacy in the Roman Catholic Church and the permanent membership of the UN Security Council are unique from institutions that are commonly compared with the UN, like the Concert of Europe and the League of Nations, in that these institutional organs possessed strong authoritative and veto powers. Both organs also owe their strong authority during their founding to a need for stability: The Papacy after the crippling of Western Roman Empire and the P-5 to deal with the insecurities of the post-WWII world. While the P-5 still possesses similar authoritative powers within the Council as it did after WWII, the historical authoritative powers of the Papacy within the Church was debilitated to such a degree that by the time of the Reformation in Europe, condemnations of practices within the Church itself were not effective. This paper will analyze major challenges to the authoritative powers of the Papacy, from the crowning of Charlemagne to the beginning of the Reformation, and compare the analysis to challenges affecting the authoritative powers of the P-5 since its creation. From research conducted thus far, I hypothesize that common themes affecting the authoritative powers of the P-5 and the Papacy would include: major changes in the institutions organization (i.e. the Avignon Papacy and Japan’s bid to become a permanent member); the decline in power of actors supporting the institutional organ (i.e. the Holy Roman Empire and the P-5 members); and ideological clashes affecting the institution’s normative power (i.e. the Great Western Schism and Cold War politics).