The BRICS and R2P : contestation, re-interpretation and norm entrepreneurship

The intra-state humanitarian crises in Libya and Syria have led to renewed debate over the content and implementation of pillar three of the responsibility to protect (R2P). This paper examines the BRICS’ (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) current perspectives on R2P and their recent efforts to shape the concept’s evolution. While Brazil’s “Responsibility while Protecting” (RwP) proposal has been widely discussed, the central focus here is on the lesser-known, semi-official Chinese idea of “Responsible Protection” (RP). Like RwP, RP proposes decision-making criteria and accountability mechanisms for UN-authorised military intervention under R2P’s third pillar. This paper argues that although RP draws heavily on previous R2P proposals such as the original 2001 ICISS report and Brazil’s RwP, by amalgamating and re-packaging these earlier ideas in a more restrictive form the Chinese initiative represents a new and distinctive interpretation of R2P. However, as it currently stands, some aspects of RP appear to be framed too strictly to provide workable guidelines for determining the permissibility of R2P military intervention, and would, therefore, benefit from clarification and refinement. Of broader significance, China’s RP and Brazil’s RwP initiatives point to the growing willingness of rising, non-Western powers to articulate and promote their own normative preferences on sovereignty, intervention and global governance. This development has potential implications both for R2P’s evolution and for the structure of the international system.

China's "Responsible Protection" concept : re-interpreting the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and military intervention for humanitarian purposes

This article assesses the extent to which the recently formulated Chinese concept of “Responsible Protection” (RP) offers a valuable contribution to the normative debate over R2P’s third pillar following the controversy over military intervention in Libya. While RP draws heavily on previous proposals such as the original 2001 ICISS report and Brazil’s “Responsibility while Protecting” (RwP), by amalgamating and re-packaging these earlier ideas in a more restrictive form the initiative represents a new and distinctive interpretation of R2P. However, some aspects of RP are framed too narrowly to provide workable guidelines for determining the permissibility of military intervention for civilian protection purposes, and should therefore be clarified and refined. Nevertheless, the Chinese proposal remains significant because it offers important insights into Beijing’s current stance on R2P. More broadly, China’s RP and Brazil’s RwP initiatives illustrate the growing willingness of rising, non-Western powers to assert their own normative preferences on sovereignty, intervention and global governance.

Puolustuskykyinen valtio vai Ruotsin hälytyskello? : Suomen sotilasstrateginen asema kylmän sodan alkuvuosien asiantuntija-arvioissa

The doctoral thesis deals with Finnish and foreign expert s analyses of Finland s military strategic position and defence capability, dating back to the early years of the Cold War. Finland s military high command prepared assessments of the country s strategic position and of the capability of the Defence Forces as grounds for defence planning. Since Finland was located on the Cold War dividing line, the foreign powers were also monitoring the development of Finland s situation. The research carried out had access to the armed forces internal assessments, as well as to analyses prepared by the military intelligence services of Sweden, Britain and the United States. One of the working hypotheses was that after the WWII the ability military leadership to estimate the security political needs of the country and the organisation of its defence was severely weakened so that the dangers of the international development were not perceived and the gradual erosion of defence capability was partly unnoticed. This hypothesis proved to be wrong. Even if the Finnish military intelligence was much weaker than during the war, it was able to provide the military leadership with information of the international military development for the most part. The military leadership was also fully aware of the weakening of the defence capability of the country. They faced the difficult task of making the country s political leadership, i.e. President Paasikivi and the government, also understand the gravity of the situation. Only in the last years of his term in office Paasikivi started to believe the warnings of the military. According to another hypothesis, outside observers considered the Finnish armed forces to primarily act as reinforcements for the Soviet Red Army, and they believed that, in the event of a full-scale war, the Finns would not have been able or even willing to resist a Soviet invasion of Sweden and Norway through Finland. The study confirmed that this was approximately the view the Swedes, the British and the Americans had of the Finnish forces. Western and Swedish intelligence assessments did not show confidence in Finland s defence ability and the country was regarded almost as a Soviet satellite. Finland s strategic position was, however, considered slightly different from that of the Soviet-occupied Eastern European countries. Finland had been forced to become part of the Soviet sphere of interest and security system and this was sealed by the Finno-Soviet Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation, and Mutual Assistance in 1948. Finland had little importance to the military interests of the Western powers. In Sweden s defence planning, however, Finland played a significant role as an alarm bell of a possible Soviet surprise attack, as well as defensive frontline and buffer zone.

Turkey and the Iranian Nuclear Program. Challenges and Opportunities

In the article was analyzed Turkish policy to Iran. In the last decade Turkey established regular relations with increasing trade exchange volume. In 2010 Turkey and Brazil proposed a plan for solution Iran’s nuclear deadlock. Although, a plan was not accepted by the Western powers at present in dealing with Iranian nuclear crisis Turkish role as a reliable mediator should be greater.

La question de l'indépendance de l'Autriche pour la France et la Grande-Bretagne durant l'entre-deux-guerres

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Une comparaison entre l’utilisation des troupes africaines par la France et l’Allemagne pendant la Première Guerre mondiale

Pendant la Première Guerre mondiale, les puissances occidentales étaient obligées d’utiliser toutes leurs ressources afin de vaincre. Dans les colonies allemandes, les troupes coloniales, la Schutztruppe, la plupart étant des Africains noirs, avaient la responsabilité de défendre les colonies contre tout envahisseur. Pour sa part, la France craignait, depuis la fin de la guerre franco-allemande, l’écart démographique vis-à-vis de l’Allemagne. Elle a finalement pris la décision de renforcer ses troupes par des soldats africains, les Tirailleurs sénégalais étant les plus nombreux. Ce mémoire vise à analyser et à comparer le recrutement et le déploiement dans les deux cas, particulièrement l’idéologie qui soutenait ce recrutement, les relations entre Africains et Européens pendant la guerre, la contribution des Africains à l’effort de guerre, ainsi que les conséquences de la visibilité accrue des Africains dans la société européenne. En général, nous pouvons remarquer d’importantes ressemblances entre les deux cas, en particulier le fait que l’utilisation de troupes coloniales a eu pour fonction de justifier leurs politiques coloniales et de condamner celles de leur adversaire.

Les réseaux militaires comme acteurs des relations internationales : le cas du Multinational Interoperability Council

Depuis plus de cinquante ans, les puissances occidentales ont créé toutes sortes de réseaux militaires internationaux, afin de renforcer leurs liens et harmoniser leurs techniques, leurs équipements et leurs façons de faire. Jusqu’à ce jour, ces regroupements sont demeurés largement ignorés de la discipline des relations internationales. Or, la mondialisation des échanges et l’essor des technologies de l’information ont ouvert les processus politiques à de nouveaux acteurs, y compris en matière de sécurité, jetant un éclairage nouveau sur le rôle, la mission et les responsabilités que les États délèguent à ces réseaux. En menant une analyse approfondie d’un réseau militaire, le Multinational Interoperability Council, cette recherche a pour objectifs de définir les réseaux militaires internationaux en tant que catégorie d’analyse des relations internationales, de documenter empiriquement leur fonctionnement et de mieux comprendre leur rôle dans le champ de la sécurité internationale. Pour ce faire, la démarche propose de recourir à l’appareil conceptuel de l’institutionnalisme relationnel, de la théorie des champs et du tournant pratiques en relations internationales. Cette combinaison permet d’aborder les dimensions institutionnelle, cognitive et pratique de l’action collective au sein du réseau étudié. L’analyse nous apprend que, malgré une influence limitée, le MIC produit une identité, des capacités, des préférences et des effets qui lui sont propres. Les acteurs du MIC ont eux-mêmes généré certaines conditions de son institutionnalisation, et sont parvenus à faire du réseau, d’abord conçu comme une structure d’échanges d’informations, un acteur intentionnel du champ de la sécurité internationale. Le MIC ne peut agir de façon autonome, sans contrôle des États. Cependant, les relations établies entre les militaires qui y participent leur offrent des capacités – le capital social, politique et d’expertise – dont ils ne disposeraient pas autrement, et qu’ils peuvent mobiliser dans leurs interactions avec les autres acteurs du champ.

Contextualising neo-Islamism

How do we engage with the pressing challenges of xenophobia, radicalism and security in the age of the "war on terror"? The widely felt sense of insecurity in the West is shared by Muslims both within and outside Western societies. Growing Islamic militancy and resulting increased security measures by Western powers have contributed to a pervasive sense among Muslims of being under attack (both physically and culturally). Islam and Political Violence brings together the current debate on the uneasy and potentially mutually destructive relationship between the Muslim world and the West and argues we are on a dangerous trajectory, strengthening dichotomous notions of the divide between the West and the Muslim world.

Islam and political violence : Muslim diaspora and radicalism in the West

How do we engage with the pressing challenges of xenophobia, radicalism and security in the age of the "war on terror"? The widely felt sense of insecurity in the West is shared by Muslims both within and outside Western societies. Growing Islamic militancy and resulting increased security measures by Western powers have contributed to a pervasive sense among Muslims of being under attack (both physically and culturally). Islam and Political Violence brings together the current debate on the uneasy and potentially mutually destructive relationship between the Muslim world and the West and argues we are on a dangerous trajectory, strengthening dichotomous notions of the divide between the West and the Muslim world.

Islam and political violence : Muslim diaspora and radicalism in the West

How do we engage with the pressing challenges of xenophobia, radicalism and security in the age of the "war on terror"? The widely felt sense of insecurity in the West is shared by Muslims both within and outside Western societies. Growing Islamic militancy and resulting increased security measures by Western powers have contributed to a pervasive sense among Muslims of being under attack (both physically and culturally). Islam and Political Violence brings together the current debate on the uneasy and potentially mutually destructive relationship between the Muslim world and the West and argues we are on a dangerous trajectory, strengthening dichotomous notions of the divide between the West and the Muslim world.

Caso Rushdie: uma análise da relação entre islamismo e direitos humanos

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

La semplificazione dell’'altro': la trasformazione della Palestina e dei suoi abitanti sotto l’influenza britannica, 1831-1922

Consequences of the Past: China's Rise to Superpower Status and its Impact on the United States

This paper investigates the impact of how the Chinese government will react to the West if China regains its superpower status. Using traditional research methods, this paper traced the cultural misunderstandings that initiated the confrontation with the West and the resulting humiliation China suffered for nearly 175 years by the Western powers. The findings of this paper show that China bitterly resents the treatment suffered during the Colonial period. Although certain factions in China wish to punish the West, this paper argues that the interconnected nature of the world's economy will force China to temper its feelings and build bridges with the West as it attains superpower status.

The Mirage of the State: Why the West has failed in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and Central African Republic? Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 14 No. 15, July 2014

The state still matters. However, the members of the Euro-Atlantic community may be misinterpreting this crucial baseline prior launching their military interventions since 2001. The latest violence and collapse of the state of Iraq after the invasion of Northern Iraq by a radical Sunni Muslim terrorist group, so-called Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), demonstrate once again the centrality and requirement of a functioning state in order to maintain violent forces to disrupt domestic and regional stability. Since 2001, the US and its European allies have waged wars against failed-states in order to increase this security and national interests, and then have been involved in some type of state-building.1 This has been the case in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali, and Central African Republic (CAR). France went into Mali (2012) and CAR (2013), which preceded two European Union military and civilian Common Security and Defense Policy missions (CSDP), in order to avoid the collapse of these two states. The threat of the collapse of both states was a concern for the members of the Euro-Atlantic community as it could have spread to the region and causing even greater instabilities. In Mali, the country was under radical Islamic pressures coming from the North after the collapse of Libya ensuing the 2011 Western intervention, while in CAR it was mainly an ethno-religious crisis. Failed states are a real concern, as they can rapidly become training grounds for radical groups and permitting all types of smuggling and trafficking.2 In Mali, France wanted to protect its large French population and avoid the fall of Mali in the hands of radical Islamic groups directly or indirectly linked to Al-Qaeda. A fallen Mali could have destabilized the region of the Sahel and ultimately affected the stability of Southern European borders. France wanted to avoid the development of a safe haven across the Sahel where movements of people and goods are uncontrolled and illegal.3 Since the end of the Cold War, Western powers have been involved in stabilizing neighborhoods and regions, like the Balkans, Africa, and Middle East, which at the exceptions of the Balkans, have led to failed policies. 9/11 changes everything. The US, under President George W. Bush, started to wage war against terrorism and all states link to it. This started a period of continuous Western interventions in this post-9/11 era in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and CAR. If history has demonstrated one thing, the members of the Euro-Atlantic community are struggling and will continue to struggle to stabilize Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and Central African Republic (CAR) for one simple reason: no clear endgame. Is it the creation of a state à la Westphalian in order to permit these states to operate as the sole guarantor of security? Or is the reestablishment of status quo in these countries permitting to exit and end Western operations? This article seeks to analyze Western interventions in these five countries in order to reflect on the concept of the state and the erroneous starting point for each intervention.4 In the first part, the political status of each country is analyzed in order to understand the internal and regional crisis. In a second time, the concept of the state, framed into the Buzanian trinity, is discussed and applied to the cases. In the last part the European and American civilian-military doctrines are examined in accordance with their latest military interventions and in their broader spectrum.

Dangerous brown men:exploiting sex, violence and feminism in the 'war on terror'

Why is the public presentation of the war on terror suffused with sexualised racism? What does this tell us about ideas of gender, sexuality, religious and political identity and the role of the state in the Western powers? Can we diffuse inter-ethnic conflicts and change the way the West pursues its security agenda by understanding the role of sexualised racism in the war on terror? In asking such questions, Gargi Bhattacharyya considers how the concepts of imperialism, feminism, terror and security can be applied, in order to build on the influential debates about the sexualised character of colonialism. She examines the way in which western imperial violence has been associated with the rhetoric of rights and democracy - a project of bombing for freedom that has called into question the validity of western conceptions of democracy, rights and feminism. Such rhetoric has given rise to actions that go beyond simply protecting western interests or securing access to scarce resources and appear to be beyond instrumental reason. The articulations of racism that appear with the war on terror are animated by fears and sexual fantasies inexplicable by rational interest alone. There can be no resolution to this seemingly endless conflict without understanding the highly sexualised racism that animates it. Such an understanding threatens to pierce the heart of imperial relations, revealing their intense contradictions and uncovering attempts to normalise violent expropriation.