Export performancecof Indian spices in the WTO regime: a disaggregated analysis

Export has assumed an important place in the development of any country and considered as the engine of economic growth. India requires huge amount of foreign exchange for its essential import and for achieving rapid growth. Millions of job opportunities have to be created to utilise the youth for nation building. Even though the country has different sources of foreign exchange, export earning is the safe way of obtaining it in the long run. Export of high valued traditional products not only gives foreign exchange, but also employment to large number of people. Spices are the traditional products of India whose production process is highly intensive in semi and unskilled labour, and high domestic and foreign market prices compared to other traditional products. The new world trade scenario with the establishment of WTO has affected India’s spices export considerably. The study examines the export performance of Indian spices in the WTO regime taking the export of major spices from 1985 to 2013 using the growth of export, trend and instability in growth rate, changes in the composition and direction of spices, export performance ratio and the prospects of spices in earning foreign exchange during the WTO period and Pre-WTO period. The analysis reveals that the overall performance of Indian spices exports during the WTO regime are satisfactory. Export volume and value increased much during this period. But the decrease in market share of spices export during the WTO period reflects that, the favourable conditions in the international market are not exploited by India. High Revealed Comparative Advantage (RCA) and Value Elasticity (EV) of major spices amidst the low export shares shows that export performance of Indian spices during the WTO regime was not mainly affected by external demand factors as suggested by Ragnar Nurkse in his Demand Deficiency Thesis, but because of internal supply factors as suggested in Supply Deficiency Thesis, (supported by K.S Dhinsha, Dacosta, Goddamwar,etc.). But the fluctuations of export during the recession and prosperity periods show that external demand is also a determinant of Indian spices export. From this one can conclude that both the domestic supply factors and foreign demand factors influence the export performance of Indian spices. The long term performance of Indian spices exports are mainly influenced by domestic supply factors as suggested by Supply Deficiency Thesis and short term performance is mostly influenced by external demand factors as suggested by Demand Deficiency Thesis.

From Market Concentration to Market Diversification: WTO and the Marine Products Exports from Kerala- Using ARIMA

Marine product export does something pivotal in the fish export economy of Kerala. The post WTO period has witnessed a strengthening of food safety and quality standards applied on food products in the developed countries. In the case of the primary importers, like the EU, the US and Japan, market actions will have far reaching reverberations and implications for the marine product exports from developing nations. The article focuses on Kerala’s marine product exports that had been targeting the markets of the EU, the US and Japan, and the concomitant shift in markets owing to the stringent stipulations under the WTO regime. Despite the overwhelming importance of the EU in the marine product exports of the state, the pronounced influence of irregular components on the quantity and value of marine product exports to the EU in the post WTO period raises concern. However, the tendencies of market diversification validated by the forecast generated for the emerging markets of the SEA, the MEA and others, to an extent, allay the pressures on the marine product export sector of the state which had hitherto relied heavily on the markets of the EU, the US and Japan

Subsidies, Clean Energy, and Climate Change

Estimates show that fossil fuel subsidies average USD 400–600 billion annually worldwide while renewable energy (RE) subsidies amounted to USD 66 billion in 2010 and are predicted to rise to USD 250 billion annually by 2035. Domestic political rationales for energy subsidies include promoting innovation, job creation and economic growth, energy security, and independence. Energy subsidies may also serve social and environmental goals. Whether and to what extent subsidies are effective to achieve these goals or instead lead to market distortions is a matter of much debate and the trade effects of energy subsidies are complex. This paper offers an overview of the types of energy subsidies that are used in the conventional and renewable energy sectors, and their relationship with climate change, in particular greenhouse gas emissions. While the WTO’s Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures (ASCM) is mostly concerned with harm to competitors, this paper considers the extent to which the Agreement could also discipline subsidies that cause harm to the environment as a global common. Beyond the existing legal framework, this paper surveys a number of alternatives for improving the ability of subsidies disciplines to internalize climate change costs of energy production and consumption. One option is a new multilateral agreement on subsidies or trade remedies (with an appropriate carve-out in the WTO regime to allow for it if such an agreement is concluded outside it). Alternatively, climate change-related subsidies could be included as part of another multilateral regime or as part of regional agreements. A third approach would be to incorporate rules on energy subsidies in sectorial agreements, including a Sustainable Energy Trade Agreement such as has been proposed in other ICTSD studies.

The European sugar regime new legislation and wto rules

[cat] El 20 de febrer de 2006 es va aprovar el Reglament núm. 318/2006 del Consell que reforma l'Organització Comuna de Mercats del sucre. L'article analitza els canvis introduïts en el nou règim europeu del sucre i valora la seva adequació a les normes i demandes internacionals de liberalització del comerç agrícola. Es conclou que la reforma ha estat el mínim necessari per fer front als reptes internacionals: la recent resolució de l'Òrgan de Solució de Diferències de l'Organització Mundial del Comerç i les demandes de liberalització plantejades en el marc de la Ronda de Doha.

The European sugar regime new legislation and wto rules

[cat] El 20 de febrer de 2006 es va aprovar el Reglament núm. 318/2006 del Consell que reforma l'Organització Comuna de Mercats del sucre. L'article analitza els canvis introduïts en el nou règim europeu del sucre i valora la seva adequació a les normes i demandes internacionals de liberalització del comerç agrícola. Es conclou que la reforma ha estat el mínim necessari per fer front als reptes internacionals: la recent resolució de l'Òrgan de Solució de Diferències de l'Organització Mundial del Comerç i les demandes de liberalització plantejades en el marc de la Ronda de Doha.

Hegemony, Private Actors, and International Institutions: Transnational Corporations as the agents of transformation of the trade regime from GATT to the WTO

Diese Dissertation hat das Ziel, zum einen die Transformation des Handelssystems von der GATT zur Welthandelsorganisation (WTO) im Kontext einer veränderten Weltordnung und zum anderen die Rollen von transnationalen Unternehmen im Rahmen dieser Transformation zu untersuchen und zu verstehen. Die Arbeit wird theoretisch vom Neogramscianismus angeleitet, da die etablierten Ansätzen in den Internationalen Beziehungen und der International Politischen Ökonomie nur unzureichend die intersubjektive Natur von Regimen und nicht-staatlichen Akteuren darstellen. Für Anhänger des Neogramscianismus sind internationale Regime intersubjektive Einheiten, deren Zusammenspiel von Ideen und Machtkonfigurationen historische Strukturen prägen. Die Hegemonie ist ein Konzept, das soziale Einflüsse als Agenten historischen Wandels in international Regimen und der Weltordnung zusammenbindet. Mit dem Konzept der Hegemonie wird eine Machtsituation beschrieben, in der politische Macht in legitime Autorität übersetzt wird, indem die Zustimmung subalterner Akteure eingeholt wird. Hegemonie beinhaltet die konsensuellen Aspekte von Machtausübung in einer jeweiligen Weltordnung. Diese Dissertation argumentiert vor allem, dass die Transformation des Handelssystems als hegemonisch bezeichnet werden kann, da sie parallel mit der Transformation der Weltordnung von einer von den USA dominierten Nachkriegszeit zu einer neoliberalen Hegemonie stattfand. Mit der Transformation zur Welthandlungsorganisation wird der legale Rahmen des Handelssystems neu strukturiert und ihre normative Grundlagen neu definiert, wodurch der ethische Rahmen des Neoliberalismus reflektiert wird. Diese Änderungen werden in der neuartigen Anerkennung der legitimen Autorität des Marktes gegenüber Nationalstaaten und der Anerkennung von der Notwendigkeit von bindenden Disziplinen, die Regierungen übergeordnet sind, reflektiert. Diese Dissertation analysiert zwei Fälle, um die Rolle von transnationalen Unternehmen innerhalb diese Transformationsprozesses zu erklären. Dabei wird der Fokus vor allem auf die Aktivitäten und Fähigkeiten der Unternehmen gerichtet, die Ausrichtung des Handelsregimes zu bestimmen. Die erste Studie untersucht die Eingliederung von Dienstleistungen in das GATT Regime vor und während der Uruguay-Runde (1986 – 1994) und argumentiert, dass diese Eingliederung zu einer Neudefinierung von Liberalisierung und Normen der Nichtdiskriminierung führte. Die zweite Studie analysiert den gescheiterten Versuch, ausländische Direktinvestitionen noch bevor und während der 2001 begonnenen Doha Runde in die Welthandelsorganisation zu integrieren. Letztendlich wird in dieser Dissertation argumentiert, dass transnationale Unternehmen, die in den Vereinigten Staaten ansässig sind, hegemonische Agenten der Regimetransformation waren und eine wichtige Rolle dabei gespielt haben, Dienstleistungen in das GATT einzubinden. Und zwar gelang ihnen dies durch eine in den späten 1970er Jahren begonnenen Kampagne. Auf der einen Seite war die Kampagne darin erfolgreich, etablierte Denkstrukturen zu Handelsthemen systematisch im Sinne des Neoliberalismus zu verändern – und zwar sowohl hinsichtlich der normativen Inhalte als auch der intersubjektiven Bedeutungen des Regimes. Auf der anderen Seite deutet der Fall des Investitionsabkommens die Grenzen der hegemonischen Ideen, Institutionen, und Strömungen seit den frühen 90er Jahren an. Transnationale Unternehmen, die in Europa ansässig waren, sind mit ihren Bemühungen gescheitert, das Regime weiter zu transformieren und das Thema Investitionen in die legalen und normativen Rahmenbedingungen der WTO zu integrieren. Die Prioritäten und Strategien der transnationalen Unternehmen, die Agenda der WTO zu beeinflussen, waren beschränkt und wurden im Kontext einer angefochtenen neoliberalen Hegemonie geformt, die wiederum von dem Widerstand und anti-hegemonischen Kampagnen der Zivilgesellschaft beeinflusst wurden. Die Analyse in dieser Dissertation wurde durch eine qualitative Diskursanalyse von Sekundär- und Primärquellen durchgeführt: Regierungsvorschläge, Verhandlungstexte, Konferenzzusammenfassungen und Statements von Unternehmen.

Ideational change in the WTO and its impacts on EU agricultural policy institutions and the CAP

This paper argues that the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture (URAA) introduced the market liberal paradigm as the ideational underpinning of the new farm trade regime. Though the immediate consequences in terms of limitations on agricultural support and protection were very modest, the Agreement did impact on the way in which domestic farm policy evolves. It forced EU agricultural policy makers to consider the agricultural negotiations when reforming the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). The new paradigm in global farm trade resulted in a process of institutional layering in which concerns raised in the World Trade Organization (WTO) were gradually incorporated in EU agricultural institutions. This has resulted in gradual reform of the CAP in which policy instruments have been changed in order to make the CAP more WTO compatible. The underlying paradigm, the state-assisted paradigm, has been sustained though it has been rephrased by introducing the concept of multifunctionality.

Policy Contexts of Social Work in Britain: the wider implications of 'New' Labour and the 'New Legal Regime'

Several commentators have expressed disappointment with New Labour's apparent adherence to the policy frameworks of the previous Conservative administrations. The employment orientation of its welfare programmes, the contradictory nature of the social exclusion initiatives, and the continuing obsession with public sector marketisation, inspections, audits, standards and so on, have all come under critical scrutiny (c.f., Blyth 2001; Jordan 2001; Orme 2001). This paper suggests that in order to understand the socio-economic and political contexts affecting social work we need to examine the relationship between New Labour's modernisation project and its insertion within an architecture of global governance. In particular, membership of the European Union (EU), International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Trade Organisation (WTO) set the parameters for domestic policy in important ways. Whilst much has been written about the economic dimensions of 'globalisation' in relation to social work rather less has been noted about the ways in which domestic policy agenda are driven by multilateral governance objectives. This policy dimension is important in trying to respond to various changes affecting social work as a professional activity. What is possible, what is encouraged, how things might be done, is tightly bounded by the policy frameworks governing practice and affected by those governing the lives of service users. It is unhelpful to see policy formulation in purely national terms as the UK is inserted into a network governance structure, a regulatory framework where decisions are made by many countries and organisations and agencies. Together, they are producing a 'new legal regime', characterised by a marked neo-liberal policy agenda. This paper aims to demonstrate the relationship of New Labour's modernisation programme to these new forms of legality by examining two main policy areas and the welfare implications they are enmeshed in. The first is privatisation, and the second is social policy in the European Union. Examining these areas allows a demonstration of how much of the New Labour programme can be understood as a local implementation of a transnational strategy, how parts of that strategy produce much of the social exclusion it purports to address, and how social welfare, and particularly social work, are noticeable by their absence within policy discourses of the strategy. The paper details how the privatisation programme is considered to be a crucial vehicle for the further development of a transnational political-economy, where capital accumulation has been redefined as 'welfare'. In this development, frameworks, codes and standards are central, and the final section of the paper examines how the modernisation strategy of the European Union depends upon social policy marked by an employment orientation and risk rationality, aimed at reconfiguring citizen identities.The strategy is governed through an 'open mode of coordination', in which codes, standards, benchmarks and so on play an important role. The paper considers the modernisation strategy and new legality within which it is embedded as dependent upon social policy as a technology of liberal governance, one demonstrating a new rationality in comparison to that governing post-Second World War welfare, and which aims to reconfigure institutional infrastructure and citizen identity.

The Law of the WTO and the Communications Law of the EC : On a Path of Harmony or Discord?

This paper presents an overview of the law of the World Trade Organization (WTO) relevant to telecommunications services and correlates this body of law with the current regulatory framework for electronic communications networks and services in the European Community. The latter has been adapted to meet the challenges of technological and market developments in communications, epitomized by the processes of digitization, enhanced transport networks and convergence. The novel solutions embodied in the EC electronic communications regime, notably, a new design of the Significant Market Power mechanism, a projected withdrawal of sector specific regulation and an affirmation of the principle of technological neutrality, pose interesting questions as to the conformity of this reformed EC communications law with the WTO rules on telecommunications services and the obligations of the European Communities and their Member States. Looking beyond the WTO legal compatibility test, essential questions regarding the need for evolution of the WTO telecommunications rules are raised. The present paper contributes to the ongoing debate in that context in light of the EC experience.

Economic Partnership Agreements in the EU's post-Lome trade regime: negotiations with West Africa. ZEI Discussion Paper C214, 2012

Trade is a key element of the development policy of the European Union (EU). As the most important trading partner of developing countries, the EU attempts to facilitate the participation of developing countries in global trade and contribute to economic growth through providing market access and financial assistance. For twenty-five years, the commitment of the EU was largely focused on its former colonies, more specifically in Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific (ACP). The developing world, in terms of the EU’s trade policy, was therefore divided between ACP states with special provisions under the Lomé Conventions and all other developing countries. With the new millennium, this special relationship came to an end. Pressure from several member states1 and the World Trade Organization (WTO) led to an overhaul of the EU’s trade regime vis-à-vis developing countries and to the loss of the privileged position of ACP countries. The result of this overhaul is still pending. Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) – to be negotiated between the EU and several ACP regions – have only been realized in the Caribbean. This article will to examine the negotiations between the EU and West Africa and discuss the interests involved on the African side. Following the introduction, the second part of this article is dedicated to the Lomé Conventions with a focus on the change occurring from the third to the fourth revision in order to understand the current situation. The third part is going to take a look at the Cotonou agreement and the trade regime of the EU in general before turning to the negotiations for an Economic Partnership Agreement between the EU and West Africa. The conclusion summarizes the main findings.

THE KYOTO PROTOCOL AND THE WTO: INSTITUTIONAL EVOLUTION AND ADAPTATION. CEPS Policy Brief No. 28/December

Overview. Questions about the interface between the multilateral climate regime embodied in the Kyoto Protocol and the multilateral trade regime embodied in the World Trade Organisation (WTO) have become especially timely since the fall of 2001. At that time, ministerial-level meetings in Marrakech and Doha agreed to advance the agendas, respectively, for the implementation of the Kyoto Protocol and for negotiations on further agreements at the WTO. There have been concerns that each of these multilateral arrangements could constrain the effectiveness of the other, and these concerns will become more salient with the entry into force of the Kyoto Protocol. There are questions about whether and how the rights and obligations of the members of the WTO and the parties to the Protocol may conflict. Of particular concern is whether provisions in the Protocol, as well as government policies and business activities undertaken in keeping with those provisions, may conflict with the WTO non-discrimination principles of national treatment and most-favoured nation treatment. The WTO agreements that are potentially relevant to climate change issues include many of the individual Uruguay Round agreements and subsequent agreements as well. The principal elements of the Kyoto Protocol that are particularly relevant are its provisions concerning emissions trading, the Clean Development Mechanism, Joint Implementation, enforcement, and parties’ policies and measures. In combination, therefore, there are numerous potential points of intersection between the elements of the Kyoto Protocol and the WTO agreements. Previous studies have clarified many issues, as they have focused on particular aspects of the regimes’ relationships. Yet, some analyses suggest that the two regimes are largely compatible and even mutually reinforcing, while others suggest that there are significant conflicts between them. Those and other studies are referenced in the ‘suggestions for further reading’ section at the end of the paper.1 The present paper seeks to expand on those studies by providing additional breadth and depth to understanding of the issues. The analysis gives special attention to key issues on the agenda – i.e. issues that are particularly problematic because of the likelihood of occurrence of specific conflicts and the significance of their economic and/or political consequences. The paper adopts a modified ‘triage’ approach, which classifies points of intersection as (a) highly problematic and clearly in need of further attention, (b) perhaps problematic but less urgent, and (c) apparently not problematic, at least at this point in time. The principal conclusions are that: · The missions and objectives of the two regimes are largely compatible, and their operations are potentially mutually reinforcing in several respects. · Some provisions of the multilateral agreements that may superficially seem at odds are not likely to become particularly problematic in practice. · ‘Domestic policies and measures’ that governments may undertake in the context of the Protocol could pose difficult issues in the context of WTO dispute cases. · Recent WTO agreements and dispute cases acknowledge the legitimacy of the ‘precautionary principle’ and are thus consistent with the environmental protection objectives of the Protocol. · The relative newness of the climate regime creates opportunities for institutional adaptation, as compared with the constraints of tradition in the trade-investment regime. · The prospect of largely independent evolutionary paths for the two regimes poses a series of issues about future international regime design and management, which may require new institutional arrangements. In sum, the present paper thus finds that although there are some areas of interaction that are problematic, the two regimes may nevertheless co-exist in relative harmony in other respects –more like ‘neighbours’ than either ‘friends’ or ‘foes’, as Krist (2001) has suggested.

The Financial Services Regime in International Economic Law: on the Difficult Relationship between Trade Liberalization and Prudential Measures

The PhD thesis analyses the financial services regime in international economic law from the perspective of the difficult relationship between trade liberalisation and prudential measures. Financial stability plays a fundamental role for the well-being and well-functioning of the global economy, but, it is at the same time a complex sector to regulate and supervise and, especially after the 2007-08 economic crisis, States have tightened up their regulation of financial services, introducing more severe and protectionist prudential measures. However, in an increasingly interconnected global economy, the harmonization of prudential regulation at the international level is an essential step to guarantee integrity, fairness and stability of financial markets and trade. The research analyses the tools at disposition to achieve this aim, the related problematic issues and the perspectives and possible solutions for the future, starting from the World Trade Organization (WTO) legal framework and its General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS), devoted to discipline trade in services among the WTO Members. Then, the research moves to a second legal instrument, the Free Trade Agreements (FTAs), which has witnessed a remarkable spread in the last decades. Finally, the research addresses the international standards, developed by supranational entities and implemented by an increasing number of States, as they offer rules and guidelines adequate to update the international financial scenario. Nevertheless, the international standards alone cannot be the solution because, first, they are not mandatory, as governments decide voluntarily to apply them and, second, their decision-making process do not respect the requirements of transparency and representative membership. In light of this analysis, the thesis aims at providing an answer to its research question: how to give more certainty to States and economic operators in the planning of the domestic disciplines and business activities in order to provide a sound and stable international financial system.

Variabilidade do regime de monções sobre o Brasil: o clima presente e projeções para um cenário com 2xCO2 usando o modelo MIROC

Este trabalho investiga a variabilidade do Sistema de Monções da América do Sul (SMAS) sobre o Brasil com particular interesse na região do cerrado brasileiro. O início, final e total de precipitação durante as monções de verão são examinados utilizando estimativas de precipitação por satélite (pêntadas) do Global Precipitation Climatology Project (GPCP) entre 1979-2004. Analogamente, as características do regime de monção simuladas pelo modelo climático global acoplado MIROC (Model for interdisciplinary Research on Climate) do IPCC (Intergovernmental Panel for Climate Change) são examinadas em dois cenários distintos: o clima do século XX (1981-2000) e o clima em uma condição com o dobro da concentração atual de CO2 (2xCO2) na atmosfera (2061-2080). Mostra-se que a variabilidade espacial do início da monção de verão sobre o cerrado na simulação do clima do século XX pelo MIROC corresponde bem às observações. Além disso, há indicação de uma mudança das caudas da distribuição sazonal da precipitação no Cerrado para um cenário com 2xCO2, comparativamente com o clima presente. Este resultado sugere uma mudança na probabilidade de ocorrência de eventos extremos (secos ou úmidos) em um cenário com 2xCO2 sobre o cerrado, o que de acordo com o MIROC, indica uma maior exposição da região às conseqüências de possíveis mudanças climáticas resultantes do aumento de gases de efeito estufa.

Brasil e brasileiros: notas sobre modelagem de significados políticos na crise do Antigo Regime português na América

Partindo da análise do significado político de Brasil e de brasileiro em documentos escritos por colonos em meados dos setecentos, o artigo aponta para a importância analítica do caráter desviante de variantes americanas da matriz societária portuguesa de tipo Ancien Régime. Trabalhando com os conceitos de memória e experiência, sustenta-se nele a idéia de que, por se tornarem assimétricas, as estruturas nacionais portuguesas dos dois hemisférios também se tornaram irredutíveis a um mesmo enquadramento constitucional quando da instauração da conjuntura revolucionária do final dos anos vinte do século XIX.