994 resultados para Visconti, Luchino, 1906-1976
Resumo:
Este trabalho trata de duas artes, Literatura e Cinema. Embora autônomas e específicas, traduzem-se em textos distintos, relações de identificação e ao mesmo tempo afastamento de uma obra em relação à outra. Nossa abordagem tem, como ponto de partida, o texto literário "O Leopardo", do escritor italiano Giuseppe Tomasi di Lampedusa e, como ponto de chegada, a obra cinematográfica homônima do cineasta, também italiano, Luchino Visconti. Lampedusa produziu uma obra que só ganharia reconhecimento postumamente. Nela, criou um discurso narrativo através do qual põe em destaque a História e a representação da sociedade. Apesar de ter nos legado uma obra pequena, caracteriza-se por apresentar um estilo próprio, marcado por requintes de liberdade e recriação da palavra. Luchino Visconti, o mais requintado criador da sétima arte de seu tempo, transpôs, com rigor, para a tela, importantes obras de renomados escritores. Seus filmes traduzem uma precisa visão histórica e aristocrática. A narrativa cinematográfica mescla ousadia e criatividade, desafiando a escritura ao arquitetá-la em magníficas imagens, cumprindo com o (quase) intuito da fidelidade a abstração da imagem literária.
Resumo:
This research presents Ludwig II of Baviera (1845-1886) as a historical figure and the vision of his reign theItalian director Luchino Visconti showed in his movies. This research states in an analytic and scrupulousway the relations between the historical figure, its filmic representation and the director himself. In addition,through an exhaustive research, this paper shows the aesthetics generated by directors like Visconti who reacheda remarkable peak in history of European film. Finally, this paper goes through the making of this film,which went from a transitional film within the Visconti oeuvre to one of his most troublesome and health-riskingprojects causing afterwards Visconti´s death.
Resumo:
We review studies of Nelson's (1976) Modified Card Sorting Test (MCST) that have examined the performance of subjects with frontal lobe dysfunction. Six studies investigated the performance of normal controls and patients with frontal lobe dysfunction, whereas four studies compared the performance of frontal and nonfrontal patients. One further study compared the performance of amnesic patients both on the MCST and on the original Wisconsin Card Sorting Test (WCST). Evidence regarding the MCST's differential sensitivity to frontal lobe dysfunction is weak, as is the evidence regarding the equivalence of the MCST and WCST. It is likely that the MCST is an altogether different test from the standard version. In the absence of proper normative data for the MCST, we provide a table of scores derived from the control groups of various studies. Given the paucity of evidence, further research is required before the MCST can be recommended for use as a marker of frontal lobe dysfunction.
Resumo:
Tutkielmassani käsittelen vuoden 1905 suurlakon ja Viaporin kapinan välistä aikaa vallankumouksellisena prosessina Helsingissä. Miten vallankumouksellisuus ilmeni suurlakon aikana ja sen jälkeen Helsingissä? Miten tavalliset työläiset reagoivat tapahtumiin? Metodisina apuvälineinä minulla on ensinnäkin Charles Tillyn määritelmä vallankumoukselliselle tapahtumalle. Keskeistä tälle määritelmälle on, että vallankumouksellista tapahtumaa pitää tutkia sen lähtökohdista käsin eikä lopputuloksen kautta. Vallankumouksellinen tilanne syntyy, kun olemassa oleva hallitus saa kilpailijan ja vastaavasti se on ohi, kun jompikumpi jää jäljelle. Toiseksi apunani ovat olleet sosiaalihistorialliset tutkimukset Venäjän vallankumouksesta, joissa aihetta käsitellään ruohonjuuritason näkökulmasta. Tällöin polttopisteessä ovat lakot ja niiden aikana esitetyt vaatimukset. Oleellista näistä tutkimuksissa on, ettei työläisiä nähdä tahdottomana massana, joka sokeasti tottelee poliittisten johtajien käskyjä. Työläisillä oli omia, lähinnä ammatillisia vaatimuksia, jotka ilmensivät toisaalta huolta jokapäiväisestä toimeentulosta ja toisaalta ne heijastivat demokraattisten vaatimusten ulottamista laajemmalle kuin pelkästään valtiolliselle tasolle eli myös työpaikoille. Suurlakon aikana Helsingin työläiset johtivat käytännössä kaupungin julkista elämää. Vallan keskuksena toimi kansallislakon keskuskomitea. Näkyvintä valtaa käytti kansalliskaarti. Kaarti toimi vahvana poliisivoimana koko lakon ajan. Se pyrki kontrolloimaan liikennettä ja kauppaa sekä sensuroimaan muiden tahojen tiedonvälitystä. Raittiusväellä oli myös oma kaartin osasto, jonka avulla kaupunkiin säädettiin kieltolaki sekä kiellettiin prostituutio. Keskeinen elementti lakon onnistumisen kannalta oli niinikään avustustoiminnan järjestäminen lakon vuoksi hätään joutuneille. Näin turvattiin, ettei lakkorintamassa sattuisi ennenaikaisia repeämiä. Suurlakon jälkeen työväestö aktivoitui ennennäkemättömällä tavalla. Lakkojen lukumäärä ja niihin osallistuneiden työläisten määrä moninkertaistui. SDP:n virallinen tavoite eli poliittinen kansalaisuus ei riittänyt työläisjoukoille, vaan lakoilla pyrittiin saamaan aikaiseksi demokraattinen yhteiskunta laajemminkin. Lyhytikäisiksi jääneet työehtosopimukset eivät tilannetta korjanneet. Demokratia saatiin poliittisella tsolla, mutta ruohonjuurinäkökulmasta uudistukset jäivät kesken ja tyytymättömyys säilyi. Tässä mielessä työväenliike ei integroitunut yhteiskuntaan. Suomessa vallankumouksellinen toivo asetettiin Venäjän vallankumoustapahtumien etenemiseen. Suomalaisen radikalismin päätepisteenä voi pitää epäonnistunuttta Viaporin kapinaa, johon osallistui myös suomalaisia punakaartilaisia. Punakaartilaiset olivat suurelta osin nuoria, muualta Helsinkiin muuttaneita ja vähän järjestökokemusta omaavia henkilöitä. Nuoruus, juurettomuus ja liittyminen työväentyöväenpuolueeseen tai sen järjestöihin vasta perustamisvaiheen 1899-1903 jälkeen olivatkin leimallisia piirteitä radikaalien aineksien keskuudessa. Tutkielmassani osoitan, että ruohonjuuritason tutkimuksella voidaan kuvaa vuosisadan alun työläisistä, heidän toiveistaan ja haluistaan täsmentää. Vuosien 1905 ja 1906 poliittisessa murroksessa oli myös ammatillisilla seikoilla tärkeä sija työväestön pyrkimyksissä. Ne osoittavat omalta osaltaan työläisten vallankumouksellisia ja radikaaleja vaatimuksia. Punakaartilaisradikalismi oli läheistä sukua tälle toiminnalle. Avainsanat: Sosiaalihistoria, vallankumous, työväenliike, suurlakko 1905, Viaporin kapina.
Resumo:
Trauer-Gedenkbuch (commemoration booklet); military passport.
Resumo:
Obverse: Stylized Star of David. Reverse: Emblem of the Israel Government Coins and Medals Corporation.
Resumo:
This collection is mainly composed of correspondence between Ms. Stern and Mrs. Roosevelt, spanning the years from their first acquaintance in 1941 to Mrs. Roosevelt's decease in 1962. Letters that hold particular interest concern Ms. Stern's experience at the Summer Student Leadership Institute, and the White House. Additional material in the collection encompasses articles, newsclippings, programs, press releases, and photographs. The articles and newsclippings folder contains information pertaining to Ms. Stern's college career, the first Summer Student Leadership Institute, Mrs. Roosevelt's talk at Community Day, National Youth Association, and a donation of an ambulance to the war effort by Hunter college students. Naomi Block Manners Stern personal folder contains an article Naomi Block wrote in her college magazine, "Echo," describing her perceptions of President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Winston Churchill during her first visit at the White House. Also included is her graduation program, listing Mrs. Roosevelt as the main speaker, a commemoration of President Roosevelt in 1972 in which Ms. Stern took part, an article and press release describing Ms. Stern's career at Revlon, and a 2003 written summary of Ms. Stern's relationship with Mrs. Roosevelt. Photographs were taken by Naomi Block and others at the Summer Leadership Institute in 1941 portray identified fellow students, Mrs. Roosevelt, James Roosevelt, the Roosevelt home in Campobello, and Felix Frankfurter.
Resumo:
Consists of speeches, memoranda, correspondence, publications, clippings and ephemera pertaining to the life and career of a prominent American Zionist.
Resumo:
The collection contains miscellaneous writings, personal correspondence and memorabilia of Debrest, an American Jewish journalist, poet and business executive. Among the correspondents are Felix Adler and Harry Truman.
Resumo:
Julkaistu Silva Fennica Vol. 10(4) -numeron liitteenä.
Resumo:
The coherence of the Soviet bloc was seriously tested at the turn of the 1970s, as the Soviet Union and its allies engaged in intensive negotiations over their relations with the European Communities (EC). In an effort to secure their own national economic interests many East European countries began independent manoeuvres against the wishes of their bloc leader. However, much of the intra-bloc controversy was kept out of the public eye, as the battle largely took place behind the scenes, within the organisation for economic cooperation, the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA). The CMEA policy-making process vis-à-vis the EC is described in this study with reference to primary archival materials. This study investigates the negotiating positions and powers of the CMEA member states in their efforts to deal with the economic challenge created by the progress of the EC, as it advanced towards the customs union. This entails an analysis of the functioning principles and performance of the CMEA machinery. The study traces the CMEA negotiations that began in 1970 over its policy toward the EC. The policy was finally adopted in 1974, and was followed by the first official meeting between the two organisations in early 1975. The story ends in 1976, when the CMEA s efforts to enter into working relations with the EC were seemingly frustrated by the latter. The first major finding of the study is that, contrary to much of the prior research, the Soviet Union was not in a hegemonic position vis-à-vis its allies. It had to use a lot of its resources to tame the independent manoeuvring of its smaller allies. Thus, the USSR was not the kind of bloc leader that the totalitarian literature has described. Because the Soviet Union had to spend so much attention on its own bloc-politics, it was not able to concentrate on formulating a policy vis-à-vis the EC. Thus, the Soviet leadership was dependent on its allies in those instances when the socialist countries needed to act as a bloc. This consequently opened up the possibility for the USSR s allies to manoeuvre. This study also argues that when the CMEA did manage to find a united position, it was a force that the EC had to reckon with in its policy-making. This was particularly the case in the implementation of the EC Common Commercial Policy. The other main finding of the study is that, although it has been largely neglected in the previous literature on the history of West European integration, the CMEA did in fact have an effect on EC decision-making. This study shows how for political and ideological reasons the CMEA members did not acknowledge the EC s supranational authority. Therefore the EC had no choice but to refrain from implementing its Common Commercial Policy in full.
Resumo:
Contenido: Verdad, historia y hermenéutica / Octavio N. Derisi – El lumen naturale en Santo Tomás y el essere ideale en Rosmini / William R. Darós – El constitutivo esencial de la persona / Octavio N. Derisi – Filosofía y desarrollo integral / Alberto Caturelli – La respuesta del hombre frente a lo existente : intuición y palabra / Osvaldo Francella – Notas y comentarios -- Bibliografía