The EU-Mercosul free trade agreement: Quantifying mutual gains

We identify trade in goods opportunities in a EU-Mercosul free trade area. Gains for Mercosul are rather concentrated, being mostly associated to a few agricultural commodities nowadays facing high protection barriers. EU gains are evenly spread, comprising a variety of market penetration possibilities. Trade deviation by the EU products is never higher than trade creation, confirming their international competitiveness and signalling that a great distortion of Mercosul’s imports won’t take place. Balanced gains exist for both sides; for Mercosul, the agreement can act as a first serious trial for future liberalisations with other developed partners, and as a warning on needed competitiveness improvements.

Construção de consenso em negociações de acordos regionais - ARCs

The main subject of this study is the consensus analysis of negotiations of Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs). Generally speaking, delays and interruptions caused by controversies and impasses end up becoming strong efficiency problems which jeopardize the consensus building during any negotiation. As a justification, the target of this study is to identify processes to help obtain, efficiently, agreements in the RTAs negotiations. Its final objective was to search for theoretical tools and techniques to be applied in situations of stoppage in a sense of eliminating the difficulties or making them at least easier to deal with. Secondarily other theoretical points of view were considered with the intention of understanding how strategies and theoretical tools can contribute in each/or different scenario of the negotiation. Through the different ways of looking at it for the conduction of the negotiations, for evaluating the dimensions of the negotiations and in order to build up the consensus, the researcher was able to understand the perception and the interpretation of the subject in view. At last the conclusion was that the applicability of the chosen framework is positive in helping solve problems and controversies as well as building up the consensus during the negotiations.

União aduaneira e harmonização tributária: o caso do imposto sobre valor agregado no mercado comum do Sul

Trata do problema da harmonização dos impostos sobre valor agregado nos países do Mercado Comum do Sul. Traça um panorama histórico do regionalismo latino-americano. Aborda questões referentes a uniões aduaneiras e ao Mercado Comum do Sul, bem como tópicos de tributação. Realiza uma análise comparativa dos impostos sobre valor agregado nos países do Mercosul. Tece, por fim, comentários referentes a uma possível harmonização do imposto mencionado

Integração econômica da América Latina: uma avaliação das experiências passadas e uma perspectiva cautelosa para o futuro do Mercosul

Como é amplamente conhecido, o fim da dicotomia Leste-Oeste determinou novos centros de poder econômico através da constituição de blocos envolvendo países da Europa, das Américas e da região do Pacífico. Avaliar a influência desse fenômeno para a economia da América Latina é o objetivo desta dissertação. Mais especificamente, procurar-se-á analisar o processo de integração econômica dos países latino-americanos à luz dessa nova realidade mundial. Para adequada compreensão desse fenômeno, é importante fazer menção aos esforços integração latino-americana ocorridos no passado, levando em conta os acerto e, principalmente, os erros dessas experiências.

O desafio dos novos padrões regulatórios nos acordos preferenciais de comércio para a estratégia brasileira em propriedade intelectual

Percebeu-se, nos últimos anos, uma proliferação de acordos preferenciais de comércio, por conta do impasse da Rodada Doha, bem como outros fenômenos nas negociações internacionais. Países e blocos econômicos como EUA, UE, Índia e China, a fim de intensificar suas relações comerciais, desenvolveram modelos de acordos, que apresentam regulações para além da OMC, ou seja, com novos temas que não constam nos acordos da organização e normatização além daquela já estabelecida no sistema multilateral de comércio. Esta estratégia regulatória pode afetar as negociações multilaterais, já que os temas de interesse negociados na Rodada Doha estão sendo incorporados bilateralmente. Diante deste fenômeno, supõe-se que países que optaram pela estratégia multilateral, como o Brasil, podem ter sua estratégia prejudicada, na medida em que as tendências de negociação por importantes atores do sistema multilateral passam a estar pré-definidas. Diante desta hipótese, o desafio deste trabalho é verificar em que medida a regulação bilateral nos APCs dos países se contrapõe às propostas brasileiras no multilateral e, assim, afeta interesses do país. Como foco deste trabalho foi selecionado o tema de propriedade intelectual e comércio, uma área considerada bastante sensível nas negociações internacionais, tanto para países em desenvolvimento quanto desenvolvidos. A pesquisa aqui consolidada foi desenvolvida no contexto do projeto IPEA sobre “Tendências nos acordos regionais e bilaterais de comércio face ao sistema multilateral de regras de comércio: elementos para um debate sobre direito e desenvolvimento no Brasil” e, assim, propõe-se a analisar precisamente o contraponto entre a regulação dos capítulos sobre propriedade intelectual em APCs assinados por EUA, UE, Índia e China e propostas apresentadas pelo Brasil na Rodada Doha, a fim de identificar convergências ou divergências nas estratégias daqueles países e como podem interferir nas negociações multilaterais e na estratégia de negociações comerciais brasileira.

Rent dissipation, political viability and the strategic adoption of free trade agreements

This paper studies the political viability of free trade agreements (FTAs). The key element of the analysis is the “rent dissipation” that these arrangements induce: by eliminating intra-bloc trade barriers, an FTA reduces the incentives of the local firms to lobby for higher external tariffs, thereby causing a reduction of the rents created in the lobbying process. The prospect of rent dissipation moderates the governments’ willingness to participate in FTAs; they will support only arrangements that are “substantially” welfare improving, and no FTA that reduces welfare. Rent dissipation also implies that the prospects of political turnover may create strategic reasons for the formation of FTAs. Specifically, a government facing a high enough probability of losing power may want to form a trade bloc simply to “tie the hands” of its successor. An FTA can affect the likelihood of political turnover as well. If the incumbent party has a known bias toward special interests, it may want to commit to less distortionary policies in order to reduce its electoral disadvantage; the rent dissipation effect ensures that an FTA can serve as the vehicle for such a commitment. In nascent/unstable democracies, the incumbent government can use a free trade agreement also to reduce the likelihood of a dictatorial takeover and to “consolidate” democracy – a finding that is consistent with the timing of numerous accessions to and formations of preferential arrangements.

Feasible multilateralism and the effects of regionalism

Recent research has underlined the efficiency of the GATT/WTO rules from the standpoint of politically motivated governments, emphasizing that the current multilateral rules are capable of delivering a politically efficient equilibrium. Such an equilibrium is, however, economically inef- ficient. Global free trade, in particular, is generally unattainable even in a fully cooperative world, provided that governments have distributive motivations. In such a context, we show that regional trade agreements can help move the world towards a welfare superior equilibrium. The reason is that, as members of regional trade agreements lower trade barriers against one another, they are induced to reduce their multilateral tariffs as well. Once we account for these endogenous changes–and only then–we find that regionalism can raise world welfare even in a fully cooperative (but political) world. We also find, however, that members are likely to gain "too much" from regional integration, thereby harming outsiders.

Agreements and disputes over non-tariff measures

In trade agreements, governments can design remedies to ensure compliance (property rule) or to compensate victims (liability rule). This paper describes an economic framework to explain the pattern of remedies over non-tariff restrictions—particularly domestic subsidies and nonviolation complaints subject to liability rules. The key determinants of the contract form for any individual measure are the expected joint surplus from an agreement and the expected loss to the constrained government. The loss is higher for domestic subsidies and nonviolations because these are the policies most likely to correct domestic distortions. Governments choose property rules when expected gains from compliance are sufficiently high and expected losses to the constrained country are sufficiently low. Liability rules are preferable when dispute costs are relatively high, because inefficiencies in the compensation process reduce the number of socially inefficient disputes filed.

Estimativas do impacto ao Brasil do acordo de facilitação do comércio de Bali

Motivado pelas diversas discussões em torno do futuro das negociações multilaterais do comércio mundial, utilizando o embasamento de trabalhos anteriores realizados a partir de dados de exportação e importação nos Estados Unidos da América, o presente trabalho busca estimar impactos econômicos ao Brasil das diretivas do Acordo de Facilitação de Comércio de Bali, utilizando-se para isso de Modelo de Equilíbrio Geral já consolidado no tratamento de comércio internacional, bem como sua base de dados. Os principais resultados indicam uma reindustrialização das exportações brasileiras, e permitem concluir que a adesão ao Acordo gera ganhos ao Brasil, e que o país segue na direção correta nesse aspecto. Tais resultados se mostram úteis na formulação de futuras diretrizes para a abertura comercial.

The not so generalized effects of nonreciprocal trade agreements

This dissertation uses an empirical gravity equation approach to study the relationship between nonreciprocal trade agreements (NRTAs) and members’ trade flows. Estimations relate bilateral imports to trade policy variables using a very comprehensive dataset with over fifty years of data. Results show that meager average trade effects exist only if members are excluded from the world trading system or if they are very poor. As trade flows between NRTA members are already rising before their creation, results also suggest a strong endogeneity concerning their formation. Moreover, estimations show that uncertainty and discretion tend to critically hinder NRTA’s performance. On the other hand, reciprocal trade agreements show the opposite pattern regardless of members’ income status.Encouraging developing countries’ openness to trade through reciprocal liberalization emerges consequently as a possible policy implication.

Política externa brasileira e cultivares: impactos dos direitos de propriedade intelectual

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

O clima em sua regulamentação político-econômica: o acordo de Copenhague - COP 15

We know that the Earth goes through natural cycles that influence its climate and the development of their societies. In recent decades, climate changes and nature began to call world attention to the unbridled exploitation that was carried by the current economic system, causing unrest among scientific, social, political and economic world. The theory that man causes a warming in global temperatures by the release of greenhouse gases made the headlines of major newspapers in the world. From there, it was only a matter of time before environmental concerns became ownership of capital by its excessive appropriation. The fear of nuclear threat by the bombs of Hiroshima and Nagasaki left in fanfare the world, which together with the devastating impact of the exploitation of man and nature gave birth to the Environmental Revolution, a way of trying to change the development patterns of the time and behavior of the population. However, based on the historical form of capitalist domination, this was another measure that was apossada the economic system being transformed into economic value and political exchange. The origin of the conventions, meetings, conferences, parliaments set up to discuss environmental issues, eventually became forums of political and economic talks focused on environmental governance, valuing an asset that is public and everyone. Environmental and climate issue now has a value, thus turning the agenda on the agenda of the United Nations (UN) for its political and economic regulation in the form of global agreement. Given the need for understanding the climate issue, was born the Conference of the Parties (COPs), a regulatory body for climate negotiations, surrounded interests, complexities, conflicts and disagreements between the parties countries, which becomes clear when we analyze their agreements...

O clima em sua regulamentação político-econômica: o acordo de Copenhague - COP 15

We know that the Earth goes through natural cycles that influence its climate and the development of their societies. In recent decades, climate changes and nature began to call world attention to the unbridled exploitation that was carried by the current economic system, causing unrest among scientific, social, political and economic world. The theory that man causes a warming in global temperatures by the release of greenhouse gases made the headlines of major newspapers in the world. From there, it was only a matter of time before environmental concerns became ownership of capital by its excessive appropriation. The fear of nuclear threat by the bombs of Hiroshima and Nagasaki left in fanfare the world, which together with the devastating impact of the exploitation of man and nature gave birth to the Environmental Revolution, a way of trying to change the development patterns of the time and behavior of the population. However, based on the historical form of capitalist domination, this was another measure that was apossada the economic system being transformed into economic value and political exchange. The origin of the conventions, meetings, conferences, parliaments set up to discuss environmental issues, eventually became forums of political and economic talks focused on environmental governance, valuing an asset that is public and everyone. Environmental and climate issue now has a value, thus turning the agenda on the agenda of the United Nations (UN) for its political and economic regulation in the form of global agreement. Given the need for understanding the climate issue, was born the Conference of the Parties (COPs), a regulatory body for climate negotiations, surrounded interests, complexities, conflicts and disagreements between the parties countries, which becomes clear when we analyze their agreements...