837 resultados para Territorial reform
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President Viktor Yanukovych and his Party of Regions have been repeating the pledge to decentralise power in Ukraine and to give local government a greater decision-making role ever since the party appeared on the Ukrainian political scene. The implementation of this reform is crucial both for the economic recovery of Ukraine’s regions and the overall modernisation efforts of the Ukrainian state. At present relations between central government and the regions are regulated by Soviet-era legislation that fails to address the modern-day challenges facing Ukraine. The political elite in the country, including the opposition, appear to have reached consensus on the importance of the decentralisation reform. The first attempts to implement changes in this area were made in the late 1990s, followed by a comprehensive reform programme developed between 2007 and 2009 by Yulia Tymoshenko’s government. In 2012, the Constitutional Assembly under the President of Ukraine appointed a team of experts who drafted a document detailing the reform of local government and the territorial organisation of power1. The document envisages the implementation of what effectively are two major reforms: (1) an administrative-territorial reform, which would help consolidate the fragmented administrative structure, creating larger and more economically self-sufficient administrative units, and (2) local government reform, focusing on creating clearly defined powers for local authorities with a view to securing government funding for specific tasks delegated from central government. Nonetheless, despite these measures, and in spite of the rhetoric coming from President Yanukovych and other members of the Party of Regions, it seems unlikely that the reform will be implemented in the foreseeable future. A series of concrete political decisions taken by the president over the past three years indicate that Yanukovych has not abandoned his plan to build a highly centralised political system. This in turn limits the capacity to govern of local authorities and further restricts the sources of funding for Ukraine’s regions. This apparent resistance to change stems from the fact that by implementing the proposed reforms, the president and his political allies would be forced to relinquish much of their control over the political processes taking place in the country and would have to free up the distribution of budgetary resources between Kyiv and the regions. The implementation of the reform within the specified timeframe (i.e. by 2015) is also unlikely due to the upcoming presidential election and the deteriorating economic situation in Ukraine. Without a comprehensive reform of local government, however, Ukraine will be unable to undertake effective modernisation measures, which are key for the socio-economic development of the country’s regions.
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Débat public, participation, délibération, autant de termes utilisés pour parler de normes et de dispositifs qui participeraient au nouvel « impératif délibératif » (Blondiaux et Sintomer 2002). Ce mémoire présente une analyse du débat public sur le plan d'urbanisme de Montréal avec un schéma d'analyse inspiré de celui de Simard et Fourniau (2007). Notre discussion du processus de débat porte non seulement sur la phase formelle des audiences publiques, mais aussi sur les étapes de concertation en amont et sur divers processus plus ou moins publicisés en aval. Ceci permet une réflexion d'ordre procédural plus riche qui considère la diversité des dispositifs dans une perspective de complémentarité. Pour chercher des effets du débat public sur le plan d'urbanisme, nous adoptons le parti de la congruence (Offner 1993), ce qui nous amène à une analyse de l'interaction entre des dynamiques contextuelles et des mobilisations des participants au débat. Certaines de ces congruences concordent avec des modifications au plan d'urbanisme. Notre étude propose aussi des implications du contexte particulier de la nouvelle ville de Montréal (avec la création des arrondissements) sur le contenu du débat public, sur certaines de ses manifestations procédurales ainsi que sur sa portée. Notre dernier chapitre montre que la dynamique du débat public en aval, dans la phase de mise en oeuvre du plan d'urbanisme, se déploie beaucoup plus dans les débats sur les grands projets que sur les mécanismes prévus à cette fin, qui comportent des embûches de par leur faible publicité et le caractère technique du processus réglementaire. Dans l'ensemble, notre étude met en lumière l'importance du contexte : autant le processus de débat que ses effets s'inscrivent dans des dynamiques contextuelles.
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Constructed, beginning in 1576 by the architect Domenico Fontana, the Villa Montalto, named after the Cardinal Felice Peretti Montalto, was for a long rime described as having surpassed the splendor of all the villas in Rome. Located to the north of the city in an arid and practically deserted zone, between vineyards, Antique ruins and early Christian churches, the villa occupies a privileged place within the history of urban landscape. Elected pope in 1585, under the name of Sixtus V, Felice made his villa the largest that had ever existed inside of the walls, establishing the upper city of the Monti, the Città Felice, as a new economic and religious center, crystallizing his ambitions for a major territorial reform. By simultaneously focusing on the gardens, the painted decorations, the literature, and the architecture of the villa, but also on its economic and social role, this article proposes an original interpretation of the Villa Montalto, demonstrating the fundamental importance of the imagined landscape in the Rome of Sixtus V. Through the ideal space of his villa, the Pope sought to propose a new model of economic and social development necessary to the reform of the then poor and insalubrious Rome. The ultimate goal was none other than the reestablishment of a Christian Eden on Earth. Sixtus V thus placed himself within the lineage which, since Adam, had attempted through the virtue of agricultural labor, to atone for the original sin.
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The increased emphasis within Europe on the role of second-tier cities has implications for the ways in which these urban centres are considered within national spatial planning strategies. In centralised, monocentric states like Ireland, there has been a general ambivalence towards urban policy for cities outside the capital city, and historically this has prevented the development of a strong, diversified urban hierarchy undermining prospects for balanced regional development. This paper examines the extent to which a new found emphasis on Ireland’s second-tier cities which emerged in the ‘Gateways’ policy of the National Spatial Strategy (NSS, 2002) was matched by subsequent political and administrative commitment to facilitate the development of these urban centres. Following a discussion of the position of second-tier cities in an international context and a brief overview of recent demographic and economic trends, the paper assesses the relative performance of Ireland’s second-tier cities in influencing development trends, highlighting a comprehensive failure to deliver compact urban growth. In this context, the paper then discusses the implications of current development plans for the second-tier cities and proposals for Irish local government reform for securing compact urban development.
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The implementation of the European Commission Services Directive initiated the modernization process of services markets within the European Union. The objective was to guarantee the creation of a single market by ensuring the freedom of establishment and circulation. The transposition of the Directive in Spain triggered an initial wave of reforms in the Spanish legal system. A second package of reforms is currently underway, following recommendations by the EC, IMF and OECD, which highlight the relative lack of competition in Spain’s services as one of the major imbalances in its economy, alongside the public deficit and unemployment. Both the implemented and planned reforms represent a major step forward. Nevertheless, the government has recently announced modifications to the draft bill of the Professional Services and Associations Law, which is expected to soon be submitted for parliamentary debate and approval. Taking into consideration modifications already introduced, together with anticipated further changes, it will be important to maintain the main points of the draft bill and to introduce a deeper review of the legal framework for professional services, of the professional associations themselves, and for the activities that are subject to compulsory membership within a professional association. Spain’s territorial map of professional associations must too be redrawn.
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En Colombia existe un desajuste territorial derivado de las tensiones históricas entre centralización y descentralización. En 1991 se contempla una Ley Orgánica de Ordenamiento Territorial (LOOT) como instrumento para reducir tales tensiones, al distribuir las competencias entre la Nación y las Entidades Territoriales. Al no haberse aprobado ningún Proyecto de Ley, se identifican y analizan los posibles obstáculos de carácter político-institucional que han impedido su expedición, a saber: la Composición del Congreso, que deriva en una inequidad en la representación política, y el manejo del Conflicto armado por parte de la Nación, que frena el proceso de descentralización territorial. Además, por la inexistencia de la Ley, se concluye que no existe un modelo territorial ni político del Estado como marco para el proceso de descentralización; que es necesario repensar el enfoque de reformismo institucional sobre el ordenamiento territorial; y que para proponer alternativas de Proyectos de Ley viables es necesario incentivar y vincular a las comunidades del país.
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The expansion of agrofuel crops challenges us to rethink policies, territories, human agency, and the paradigms used to explain them. In Brazil, policies supporting the expansion of agrofuel crops and the intensification of agrofuel production are reorganising rural land use and undermining some forms of participation in the capitalist and family modes of production. To reflect on this new reality, we study peasant movement reactions, proposals, and territorial disputes with agribusiness. Using the Pontal do Paranapanema region of São Paulo state as a case in point, the paper analyses territorial disputes between expanding sugarcane plantations and agrarian reform settlements as well as biodiesel production projects developed by the Landless Workers Movement (MST) and the Western São Paulo Federation of Settlement and Family Farmer Associations (FAAFOP). It also analyses the agrofuel policies of other peasant organisations, including Via Campesina. The production of agrofuels has changed the processes of land acquisition and use by both agribusiness and the peasantry, provoking new insights into the nature of territorial conflicts and thereby stimulating the need to revise perspectives on the agrarian question in Brazil.
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Includes bibliography
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Pós-graduação em Geografia - FCT
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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Pós-graduação em Geografia - FCT
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)