Disputa territorial por las Islas Dokdo en las relaciones políticas entre Corea del Sur y Japón (2005-2012)

Las relaciones políticas y económicas entre Corea del Sur y Japón pasaban por su mejor momento en los primeros años del siglo XXI, cuando la disputa territorial por las islas Dokdo, un grupo de islotes ubicados en el mar de Japón y que por décadas han simbolizado el fin de la ocupación del país nipón en territorio coreano, causara nuevas y significativas tensionen entre los dos países. Dicho fenómeno, se sugiere fundamental en la comprensión de las nuevas relaciones bilaterales entre los dos actores y se presenta como foco de análisis en la presente monografía. El documento, presenta un análisis descriptivo de la disputa territorial por las Islas y de sus efectos en las relaciones entre los dos países, tanto en los ámbitos político, social y económico.

Disputa territorial entre o movimento camponês e o agronegócio canavieiro em Teodoro Sampaio–SP

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

La disputa territorial campesina: estudio en la region de San Agustin en Tarija - Bolivia

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Diagnóstico del plan fronteras para la prosperidad en el archipiélago de San Andrés, Providencia y Santa Catalina

El presente estudio de caso tiene por objetivo presentar un diagnóstico del Plan Fronteras para la Prosperidad -PFP- en el archipiélago de San Andrés, Providencia y Santa Catalina -SAPSC-, liderado por el Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores -MRE- en el gobierno de Juan Manuel Santos. Con este texto, se buscó describir la situación política, social, económica y cultural del Archipiélago de SAPSC; explicar las principales herramientas de política pública utilizadas por los gobiernos para mejorar las condiciones políticas, sociales y económicas en el Archipiélago; y por último, evaluar el PFP a la luz del enfoque de política pública de implementación “botton-up” para identificar las debilidades, fortalezas, oportunidades y amenazas de la misma, con el propósito de aportar recomendaciones para desarrollo de políticas públicas virtuosas.

Estudo das políticas de obtenção dos assentamentos de reforma agrária no Brasil entre 1985 e 2009

Understanding the territorial transformations is important to the geographic knowledge, especially when it is related to structural questions as agrarian one. In this way, the land acquisition to agrarian reform enables us to understand some of these transformations, represented by territorialization of landless workers in rural settlements, that are concrete results of the struggle for land that boost the policies of agrarian reform in our country. The renewal of the agrarian structure is fundamental to the concept of land reform and also provides that advances social, political, cultural, economic, etc. Classified as a country with rates of the highest land concentration in the world, Brazilian government attempts to base his actions to take in the expropriation of land the main character of the land reform. However, new policies have been gradually used to obtaining the rural settlements, in a process that Fernandes (2010) called the reconceptualization of land reform. Starting in 1985, Brazil has 63% of the beneficiaries of land reform policies settled on expropriated land, the rest is a result of incorporation policies such as land regularization, of land reform and land purchase. Such policies generate changes in agrarian structure, that is the goal of land reform, but don´t concentrate to the land ownership. This attitude of the state in coping with the agrarian question is his response to the pressures of capitalist agriculture represented by landowners and agribusiness, coping catching an intense and uneven territorial dispute with peasant agriculture, in an attempt to impose its model of development for the field. The aimed of this present study is to understand better the land reform acquisition and its implications in the Brazilian territory, in order to understand it in their multiplicity.

Reforma Agrária em questão: a propriedade privada como fator de desterritorialização camponesa no Assentamento Fazenda Primavera (Andradina-SP)

Pós-graduação em Geografia - FCT

As disputas territoriais na formação do assentamento Canudos, em Goiás

Pós-graduação em Geografia - FCT

Geoestratégia das Ilhas Falklands: conflito entre Argentina e Reino Unido

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Chinese Intellectuals and China`s Policy toward Japan

This dissertation aims at integrating two scholarships: state-society relation studies and Chinese foreign policy analysis. I created Two-level Perception Gap Model to analyze different intellectual groups' relations with party-state by confirming Chinese intellectuals play a role in CFP making in general, China's Japan policy in particular. This model is an alternative approach, instead of conventional wisdom patron-client approach, to explain and analyze the pluralized intellectual-state relations in China. This model first analyzed the role of two intellectual groups, namely think tank scholars and popular nationalist, in China's Japan policy making, and then based on these analyses it explains the interactional patterns between these two intellectual groups and party-state. I used three case studies, which represented different types of issue, Chinese attitude toward the U.S.-Japan alliance and the Japanese defense policy, the controversy over the Yasukuni Shrine Visit, and the territorial dispute over the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands, to examine this model. First, I examined think tank scholar groups and the extent they influenced "core interest issue and sensitive issue (Issue 1)," Chinese attitude toward the U.S.-Japan alliance and the Japanese defense policy, and their international patterns with party-state. Chapter 3 compares the responses of Chinese officials to the changes in the defense policy of Japan to the analyses from the think tank scholars. As the model assumes, results show that think tank scholars' analyses are consistent with China's policy position; nevertheless, it is difficult to confirm their analyses have influence on Chinese attitude toward the U.S.-Japan alliance and the Japanese defense policy. Based on the analysis of journal articles, most articles do not provide policy suggestions or simply provide suggestions that do not deviate from the policy. As Gu's theory of pluralist institutionalism and my hypothesis points out, most think tank scholars are establishment intellectuals so they tend to be self-disciplined. Second, this model provide a new concept "patriotic dilemma" for analyzing the challenge and constraints brought by popular nationalist discourses and public mobilization to Chinese foreign policy decision makers. Chapter 4 investigated the cases study of the controversy over the Yasukuni Shrine Visit, defined as "major/minor interest issue/ sensitive issue (Issue 3)," and the discourses from the popular nationalist, mainly focusing on anti-Japanese activists. The chapter also observes their influence on nationalist public opinions and analyzes how the nationalist public opinions constrain the policy choices among decision makers. Results strongly supported the hypothesis of patriotic dilemma that, although the popular nationalist group and public opinions constrained the policy choices of Chinese decision makers in the short term, they were unable to change the fundamental policy direction. Third, chapter 5 also focuses on anti-Japanese activists and examines the model with the case of the territorial dispute over the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands. The result supported that hypothesis that China's policy change was not because of the influence from popular nationalist's discourses or public opinions but because of the change of priority of this issue, from major/minor interest issue to core interest issue. These two chapters also indicate that the patron-client model is unable to describe the popular nationalist. An alternative approach, such as the concept "patriotic dilemma" is needed to describe the relations between the popular nationalist and the government.

Agora nós somos camponeses! A territorialização dos camponeses pomeranos e o monumento natural dos pontões capixabas

A presente tese tem como objetivo analisar territorialização dos descendentes pomeranos na região de Pancas/ES e o processo de recriação/resignficação de sua identidade étnica e social e de seu modo de vida. Entende-se o território como um espaço constituído a partir de relações sociais desenvolvidas ao longo do tempo e, portanto, repleto das relações contraditórias do modo de produção capitalista, como o campesinato, que tende tanto à sua destruição como também necessita de relações não capitalistas em sua lógica, possibilitanto assim, sua recriação. A comunidade de camponeses pomeranos se territorializou na área onde se localizam os Pontões Capixabas a partir de 1918, mas, desde o ano de 2002 passou a viver uma situação de conflito fundiário, pois suas terras (colônias) estavam sob ameaça de desapropriação, colocandoos em uma disputa territorial na tentativa de barrar a possível expropriação das terras e consequentemente do seu modo de vida tradicional frente à implantação de uma Unidade de Conservação Ambiental de Proteção Integral. Neste contexto de conflito, a consciência de classe se faz presente com mais força, levando ao fazer-se dessa classe social, que entendia já ter conquistado a terra de trabalho. O território é fator fundante para a recuperação e afirmação da identidade étnica e social dos imigrantes pomeranos, identidade esta perdida não só com o fim da Pomerânia enquanto nação, mas por todo o processo de expropriação e dominação que sofreram ao longo do tempo, e, recuperada com a territorialização, pois, o acesso à terra de trabalho possibilitou a continuidade de seu modo de vida, mas principalmente a manutenção da língua tradicional e a recriação enquanto camponês e pomerano.

Japan and China: Bitter Rivals and Close Partners. Asia Policy Brief 2013/03, June 2013

Japan and China trade a lot between each other. Unfortunately, however, they also argue a lot with each other. Since Tokyo’s purchase of three uninhabited Japanese-controlled islets in the East China Sea from their private owner in September 2012, the main subject of dispute has been that of sovereignty over maritime territories. While bilateral trade amounted to an impressive $333 billion in 2012 (slightly less than in 2011, when bilateral trade reached $345 billion), a bilateral territorial dispute over control and sovereignty of what Tokyo calls Senkaku and Beijing calls the Diaoyu Islands will most probably continue to remain at the very top of the agenda of Sino-Japanese relations in the months ahead.

The Re-Emergence of Suriname’s Désiré (Desi) Bouterse: Political Acumen and Geopolitical Anxiety

This study examines some concerns that derive from Suriname‘s May-July 2010 elections, which resulted in the re-emergence of erstwhile military ruler and convicted drug trafficker, Désiré (Desi) Bouterse, as President of the Republic. The victory reflects Bouterse‘s political acumen in aggregating disparate political interests and in establishing a viable coalition government. But because of his history and profile, this triumph has generated anxiety in some places internationally. In this respect, the study examines anxieties related to three matters: (a) relations with Guyana, where there is an existing territorial dispute and a recently resolved maritime dispute, (b) illegal drug trafficking operations, and (c) foreign policy engagement with Venezuela. There has been a flurry of bilateral activities—including several presidential summits—with Guyana since President Bouterse‘s inauguration, albeit seemingly more about symbolism than substance. Although the maritime dispute was settled by a Tribunal of the United Nations Convention of the Law of the Sea in 2007, the 15,000 km2 New River Triangle is still unresolved. Indeed, in June 2011 President Bouterse reasserted Suriname‘s claim to the Triangle. Suriname has upped the ante in that dispute by portraying internationally the map of Suriname as inclusive of the disputed area. In all likelihood that self-redefinition slowly will become the country‘s cartographic definition in the eyes of the world if Guyana does not successfully rebuff that move or pursue the definitive settlement of the dispute. A geonarcotics assessment shows Suriname to be still heavily implicated in trafficking, because of geography, law enforcement limitations, corruption, and other factors. But despite Bouterse‘s drug-related history and that of former senior military officers, several reasons suggest the inexpediency of a narco-state being created by Bouterse. As well, as part of Suriname‘s pursuit of increased Caribbean and South American engagement, it has boosted relations with Venezuela, which has included it in PetroCaribe and provided housing and agricultural aid. However, the engagement appears to be driven more by pragmatism and less by any ideological affinity with Hugo Chavez.

Análisis de mujeres cachemires como sujetos subalternos en la representación institucional de India y Paquistán a partir del fenómeno de desaparición forzada (1989-2008)

El interés de esta monografía es analizar las consecuencias de la representación institucional de India y Paquistán en la disputa territorial por Cachemira durante el periodo de 1989 a 2008. Puntualmente, se analiza y explica cómo la representación institucional prestada individualmente por India y Paquistán validó sus intereses como agentes de poder en la región, pasó por alto las necesidades de la población cachemir y fomentó la práctica de la desaparición forzada, lo que en consecuencia convirtió a las mujeres cachemires en un grupo subalterno. Para tal objetivo, se hará uso de la teoría postcolonialista, específicamente el enfoque subalternista de la autora Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak ya que permite explicar adecuadamente el proceso mediante el cual las mujeres cachemires se convirtieron en un grupo subalterno.

Produção territorial das reformas agrárias no Brasil

Pós-graduação em Geografia - FCT